PROFILE
Ezekiel Guti: Revered Zimbabwean Church Leader who Preached Hard Work and Morals Over Miracles
Published
1 year agoon
By
EditorEzekiel Guti, who has died at the age of 100, was one of the founders of Zimbabwe Assemblies of God Africa (Zaoga). He also established a media empire, a university, a hospital and numerous schools, and wrote 127 publications (books, pamphlets and tracts). Baba Guti, as he is affectionately known, leaves behind more than 70 years of evangelising and a vibrant local church. It has the third largest membership in Zimbabwe after the Roman Catholic Church and the Johanne Marange Apostolic Church. The church also has a transnational arm, Forward in Faith Ministries, found in more than 168 countries with over three million members.
Guti was one of the first Zimbabweans to establish and run a Pentecostal church in colonial Zimbabwe, modelled around western Pentecostal movements. This was at a time when most Africans formed “Zionist” independent churches that worshipped outdoors in nature and wore white garments.
He was part of a nine-member “prayer band” (a small group of intercessors) that left the Apostolic Faith Mission in 1959. The activities of the band were perceived as threats to the control and position of white missionaries and church leaders in Salisbury (later Harare). It continued with its proselytising and evangelising mission until Zoaga was established in 1960.
As a social anthropologist of Christianity who researches Pentecostal movements in Zimbabwe and their relation to the state, I have followed Guti’s career. He leaves a considerable legacy, not just as a church leader who preached self-reliance and hard work instead of miracles and prophecies, but also as a nation builder.
Humble beginnings
Guti began his career as a carpenter and entrepreneur with a business providing roofing services. He was also a lay preacher without any qualifications in theology or religious studies. The prayer band conducted its activities at marketplaces, hostels, under trees – Zoaga was reportedly begun under a gum tree in Bindura – in schools and at his house in Highfield in today’s Harare.
The band appealed particularly to migrant labourers and urbanites who performed menial labour. From the beginning, Guti targeted the subaltern who had aspirations of upward mobility and permanence in colonial urban spaces. His message gave hope to his followers through performative rituals. Congregants who came in old or torn clothes, for example, were given new clothes during the service. He ministered to both the material and spiritual needs of his followers.
Guti always appropriated technology to spread the gospel. In his early years, he used bicycles and motorbikes to take him from one preaching opportunity to another. Later he would use communications technologies like television and the internet to build his transnational church. He spearheaded what is called the “reverse mission” – taking the African gospel to a “backsliding” western world.
Self-reliance
Guti made an indelible mark on the lives of his followers by speaking to their needs. His message focused on self-reliance through what has become known in academic discourse as “penny-capitalism” – or “matarenda” (talents) in Zaoga parlance.
Members of Zaoga are encouraged to have a “side hustle” dedicated to funding a particular cause within a specific year. This can be in the form of moonlighting by, for example, vending, knitting jerseys or selling candy and food. The talent system promotes multiple sources of income and becomes the basis of self-reliance.
In one of my conversations as part of my ongoing research with a female head of household and Zaoga member, she noted that she’d managed to send her daughter to a boarding school and purchase a residential stand, furniture and appliances through matarenda.
By listening to Guti’s sermons and reading his books, I have concluded that this talent system was not a way of responding to the global neoliberal economic system. Rather, hard work and thriftiness were religious duties for every Christian and a way of promoting spiritual growth.
When the Zimbabwean government introduced a programme to remove state subsidies and increase the informal economy, members of Zaoga were already well prepared as they were running side hustles to earn extra money.
To buttress the gospel of self-reliance, Guti discouraged his followers from taking loans from banks because they enslaved the borrower. To help his followers save money, he preached against drinking alcohol and smoking cigarettes. He also took a lifelong stand against sexual immorality.
From the beginning, Guti was a pragmatist. His school of Pentecostalism never over-emphasised miraculous healing or amassing great wealth.
Nation building
Under Guti’s leadership, Zaoga constructed a biomedical hospital which assists Zaoga members and the wider community. The church also built a university in Bindura, bible schools and secondary schools. It established a media empire with TV and radio channels. These projects were partly funded through matarenda.
His establishing of Zaoga contains elements of cultural resistance to the colonial project. Guti lived in the same residential area where the Zimbabwe African National Union (Zanu – later the ruling Zanu-PF) was formed in 1963 to fight for independence. This may help explain the affinity between black self-reliance and the nationalist ideology of black empowerment. After independence, Guti’s church worked with the post-colonial government on several projects and missions.
Legacy
Guti was an astute leader and administrator, but his legacy depends on what happens to Zaoga now that he has passed.
Will the new leadership maintain the pragmatic gospel that encourages faith and hard work? Or will it shift to charismatic Pentecostalism that emphasises miraculous wealth through tithes and donations? Already the church has been threatened by the splits and schisms that are common in Pentecostal movements. But Guti’s leadership sustained and grew the movement despite these challenges.
His contribution to the Zimbabwean Pentecostal landscape over 75 years is immense. His gospel appealed to the downtrodden, giving them hope. His pragmatism in dealing with poverty helped many of his followers during the economic crisis that Zimbabwe has experienced.
Guti was an excellent mobiliser of resources for church activities, tapping into local and global networks to conduct philanthropic activities. History will note his immense role in assisting the marginalised and less privileged through the movement he founded.
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PROFILE
Celebrating General Ibrahim Babangida: A Legacy of Leadership, Strategy, and Statesmanship
Published
3 months agoon
August 17, 2024By
EditorIn celebrating the 83rd birthday of General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida, we reflect on the legacy of a leader whose strategic acumen, socio-economic reforms, and unmatched political maneuvering earned him the nickname “Maradona” of Nigerian politics. Despite the challenges of his time, including economic adversity and controversial decisions, Babangida’s leadership laid the groundwork for Nigeria’s longest period of democratic governance. His humility, resilience, and unwavering patriotism continue to inspire admiration across the nation and the African continent.
Writes Baba Yunus Muhammad
Today marks the 83rd birthday of General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida (IBB), a leader whose profound impact on Nigeria and the West African subregion continues to resonate. Affectionately called “Maigida” * by his admirers and loyalists, Babangida’s tenure as Nigeria’s Head of State from 1985 to 1993 was a period of significant transformation, marked by his unique blend of strategic acumen, socio-economic reforms, and an uncanny ability to navigate the complexities of governance.
One of the most fitting nicknames Nigerians bestowed upon Babangida is “Maradona,” a nod to the legendary Argentinian footballer known for his exceptional dribbling skills. This moniker encapsulates Babangida’s own mastery in maneuvering through the intricate and often treacherous terrain of Nigerian politics. Like Maradona on the football field, Babangida was a political strategist par excellence, known for his ability to outmaneuver opponents and sidestep political pitfalls with agility and finesse. His leadership was characterized by swift, calculated moves that often left both allies and adversaries guessing, ensuring that he maintained control while implementing his vision for Nigeria.
During his eight years in power, Babangida initiated numerous socio-economic and political reforms that reshaped Nigeria’s landscape. His administration’s Structural Adjustment Program (SAP), while controversial, was a bold attempt to diversify Nigeria’s economy away from its dependence on oil and towards sustainability. Babangida’s efforts to liberalize the economy, promote privatization, and encourage foreign investment were pivotal in positioning Nigeria as a key player in the global market. These reforms, along with his deft political maneuvering, earned him admiration and respect not only within Nigeria but also across West Africa, where the echoes of his leadership style and decisions resonated long after his tenure.
Despite the challenging economic conditions during his administration—marked by low international oil prices, Nigeria’s primary source of foreign exchange—Babangida’s government achieved remarkable infrastructural feats. His tenure saw the construction and expansion of key national assets, including the Third Mainland Bridge in Lagos, which remains the longest bridge in Africa to this day. He also played a pivotal role in establishing Abuja as the Federal Capital, ensuring its development into a modern city that would serve as the administrative and political hub of the nation.
Babangida often reflects on the economic conditions of his time, contrasting them with the current era of higher oil revenues. He has been known to quip that while successive administrations have had the privilege of “managing prosperity,” his government managed “poverty and adversity.” This statement underscores the resilience and resourcefulness required to lead Nigeria through a period of economic hardship while still laying the foundations for future growth.
At 83, General Babangida remains a statesman of great stature, marked by personal humility, simplicity, and an unwavering commitment to the Nigerian state. His greatest qualities—generosity, tolerance, and patience—are evident in his interactions with those around him. His patriotism is unassailable, as demonstrated in an experience this writer had during a visit to his residence several years ago.
On that occasion, a female relative of the General had come to seek his help in changing the posting of her son, a lieutenant in the Nigerian Army, who had been assigned to fight the Boko Haram insurgents in Borno State. In a rare display of temper, General Babangida firmly told the woman, “Hajia, I can do everything for you, but not this one.” He then turned to the young officer, asking if he was not ashamed to avoid his posting to the warfront. Babangida recounted his own experiences as a young lieutenant, leading troops to quell the uprising of Isaac Boro in the Niger Delta region, and nearly breaking down in tears whenever he was not selected for the frontlines. This incident underscores Babangida’s unwavering commitment to duty and his belief in leading by example.
However, Babangida’s legacy is not without its shadows. The annulment of the June 12th elections, widely acknowledged as the freest in Nigeria’s history, stands as the darkest chapter of his administration. The decision to nullify the results sparked a violent crisis, yet Babangida managed to navigate the turmoil with a steady hand. While the annulment delayed Nigeria’s transition to democracy, one could argue that his political transition program ultimately laid the foundations for the current era of democratic governance. Indeed, the present 25-year period of uninterrupted democracy, the longest in Nigeria’s post-independence history, owes much to the structures Babangida put in place during his time in power.
One of Babangida’s most remarkable qualities is his civility and steadfast refusal to publicly criticize his predecessors or successors. He has consistently maintained that, given his access to all successive Nigerian heads of state, it is more civil to offer his criticisms or advice privately. This stance has earned him a unique place in Nigerian history as a leader who respects the dignity of the office he once held and the individuals who have occupied it since.
General Babangida is a man of simplicity and profound thought, whose greatness is acknowledged by both his admirers and critics. His achievements and leadership style were not shaped by Orientalist ideas or theories; rather, they stemmed from a pure Islamic background, reinforced by military discipline. His upbringing in the Islamic faith and his military training provided him with the moral and ethical framework that guided his actions as a leader. This combination of faith and discipline is a model for Nigerians and Africans across the continent, offering lessons in leadership, integrity, and commitment to the greater good.
As we celebrate General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida’s 83rd birthday, we reflect on his legacy—a legacy that continues to inspire and challenge us to strive for excellence in leadership and to remain committed to the values that unite us as a nation and a continent. The nickname “Maradona” is more than just a tribute to his political skills; it is a recognition of a leader whose brilliance, humility, and unwavering commitment to Nigeria continue to shine brightly. Babangida’s ability to achieve significant infrastructural progress during times of economic adversity further cements his status as one of Nigeria’s most remarkable leaders, managing with grace, resourcefulness, and an enduring love for his country.
* In Hausa, “Maigida” literally means “head of the household” or “master of the house.” It is a title of respect often used to refer to a man who is the leader or patriarch of a family. The term conveys a sense of authority, responsibility, and respect.
Baba Yunus Muhammad is President of the Africa Islamic Economic Forum, Tamale..
PROFILE
Who was Ebrahim Raisi and what were his Policies at Home and Abroad?
Published
6 months agoon
May 20, 2024By
EditorBy Peter Beaumont
Iranian president killed in helicopter crash was a hardliner who led country’s return to sterner stance
Ebrahim Raisi, the Iranian president who died in a helicopter crash on Sunday, was a hardliner who had been instrumental in the last few years in steering Iran back towards the more uncompromising beliefs of the Islamic Republic’s revolutionary founders. A supporter of deeply conservative values on the domestic front, in terms of foreign policy, Raisi also carved out an increasingly aggressive stance, and it was on his watch that Tehran opted to launch its recent unprecedented missile and drone strike against Israel, bringing the two countries into direct and open conflict for the first time.
Ebrahim Raisi, the Iranian president who died in a helicopter crash on Sunday, was a hardliner who had been instrumental in the last few years in steering Iran back towards the more uncompromising beliefs of the Islamic Republic’s revolutionary founders. A supporter of deeply conservative values on the domestic front, in terms of foreign policy, Raisi also carved out an increasingly aggressive stance, and it was on his watch that Tehran opted to launch its recent unprecedented missile and drone strike against Israel, bringing the two countries into direct and open conflict for the first time.
While he was elected president in June 2021, having represented himself as the best person to fight corruption and Iran’s economic problems, Raisi had long occupied important positions in Iran, including an alleged key role in the so-called Death Committee responsible for executing thousands of prisoners in the 1980s – a claim he denied.
Born in 1960 into a clerical family in Mashdad, Raisi was a child of the revolution that overthrew the Shah after he had travelled to Qom to attend a Shia seminary at the age of 15, following in his father’s footsteps. While still a young student, he joined the mass protests against the western-backed Shah in 1979 that would lead to the Islamic Revolution under the guidance of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, a cleric until his dramatic return from exile in France.
In the turbulent first years of the Islamic Revolution, the young Raisi continued with his studies at the Shahid Motahari University in Tehran, where he received a doctorate in Islamic jurisprudence and law. Joining the judiciary, Raisi, aged just 25 – like many other young men of his generation – would find himself catapulted into important office, in his case as the deputy prosecutor of Tehran.
It was while still in that role, say human rights groups, that he became one of four judges sitting on the infamous Death Committee, a secret tribunal set up in 1988 to retry thousands of prisoners, many of them members of the Mujahedin-e Khalq group. It served as a springboard to his wider ambitions. Raisi would later serve as Tehran’s chief prosecutor, then as the head of the State Inspectorate Organisation. By 2006, he had been elected to the Assembly of Experts, which is charged with appointing and overseeing the supreme leader and whose members are approved by the powerful Guardian Council.
After the disputed 2009 presidential election triggered months of public protests, Raisi backed the brutal crackdowns and mass incarcerations. He became the country’s prosecutor general in 2014. He was placed under sanctions by the US Treasury in 2019 for his role in domestic repression.
Raisi’s election win, which led to him succeeding Hassan Rouhani as president, represented a pushback from Iran’s ultra-conservatives against the 2015 nuclear deal with world powers that gave Iran relief from international sanctions. Under Raisi, Iran began to enrich uranium at nearly weapons-grade levels and obstructed international inspections.
Raisi’s first effort to displace Rouhani, in 2017, fell short, as Rouhani won 57% of the vote. His profile, however, was given a fresh boost when Ayatollah Ali Khamenei appointed him deputy chief of the Assembly of Experts in 2019. Raisi won the 2021 presidential election, although that vote saw the lowest turnout in the Islamic Republic’s history.
In late 2022, a wave of nationwide protests erupted after the death in custody of Mahsa Amini, who had been arrested for allegedly breaching Iran’s strict Islamic dress code for women. In March 2023, Iran and Saudi Arabia, longtime regional foes, announced a surprise deal that restored diplomatic relations.
The detente with Saudi Arabia, however, was something of an outlier in terms of Iranian foreign policy under Raisi. Iran supplied arms to Russia in its war on Ukraine, launched a massive drone and missile attack on Israel, and continued arming proxy groups in the Middle East, such as Yemen’s Houthi rebels and Lebanon’s Hezbollah.
Courtesy: The Guardian, London
PROFILE
Senegal’s New President: Bassirou Diomaye Faye
Published
7 months agoon
April 9, 2024By
EditorBassirou Diomaye Faye was elected as Senegal’s fifth president on 25 March 2024, and sworn as Senegal’s President at an exhibition centre in the new town of Diamniadio near the capital Dakar on April 2, 2024. Incumbent president Macky Sall and his candidate, former prime minister Amadou Ba, were both quick to congratulate the opposition candidate on his victory when the results came out.
This has been a major – and fast – turn of events for Faye (commonly called “Diomaye”), who was in prison just 10 days before the election. Faye was backed by the popular opposition leader Ousmane Sonko, who was deprived of his electoral rights for five years due to a prior conviction. Sonko received a six-month suspended prison sentence for allegedly defaming tourism minister Mame Mbaye Niang.
Faye, who has never held elected office, was a little-known candidate who emerged from Sonko’s shadow. Having researched young Senegalese politicians and Senegal’s contemporary political scene we wanted to provide some insights into who Faye is, and his unconventional rise to power.
A Native of Rural Senegal
The father-of-four was born into a modest family of farmers in remote Ndiaganiao, a village 150 kilometres (93 miles) from the capital Dakar on 25th March 1980, where he received his primary education. He continued his middle and secondary education in Mbour, south-east of Dakar, where he earned his bachelor’s degree in 2000. Faye pursued higher education at Dakar’s Cheikh Anta Diop University, and obtained a master’s degree in 2004.
Following this, he took competitive entrance exams for the police officers’ academy, the magistrates’ academy and the École Nationale d’Administration (the elite leadership training school). While he did not pass the exam for the police officers’ academy, he succeeded in the other two exams. Admitted to the magistrates’ examination, he decided to withdraw, opting instead for the leadership training school. He specialised in taxation and went on to join the Direction Générale des Impôts et Domaines (tax and land administration) in 2007.
His Career
When Faye joined the tax administration, he was an active member of the newly formed Syndicat autonome des agents des impôts et domaines (Autonomous Union of Tax and Domain Agents). This was led by its founder and secretary general, Ousmane Sonko (from April 2005 to June 2012). Faye was initially the head of claims and later became the secretary general after Sonko’s departure, although Sonko remained at his side as honorary secretary general for two years (2012-2016). Drawing on their trade union experience, Faye, Sonko and other young civil servants went on to create the African Patriots of Senegal for Work, Ethics and Fraternity (Pastef) party in 2014.
Faye successively held the positions of member of the steering committee, president of the Mouvement national des cadres patriotes et des diasporas (National Movement of Patriot Cadres and Diasporas) and secretary general, becoming the party’s second-in-command, from October 2022.
Ndingler’s Rising Star
While Faye is mostly known for being in Sonko’s shadow, he’s famous in his region for supporting a vulnerable community in a land dispute. This was between the Ndingler villagers (within the Ndiaganiao area from which Faye hails) and the Senegalese company Sedima, run by businessman and industrialist Babacar Ngom. Faye had denounced land grabbing by Sedima, which occurred without any compensation for “peasant populations”.
The Other Side of the Coin
The fame he gained from this widely publicised battle didn’t, however, secure him a victory in his stronghold during local elections in January 2022. He lost in Ndiaganiao to the regime’s candidate. His political ambitions were further thwarted when his nomination to the national candidate list for the July 2022 parliamentary elections was invalidated due to issues with the candidate lists he belonged to. These two successive setbacks seemed to seal his fate as an opponent of local and national stature.
Following the law suit brought against Sonko, Faye was imprisoned. He was accused of attacking the judiciary when he criticized the Dakar Court of Appeal’s decision to close Sonko’s case without giving him the chance to appeal. Faye was also being vocal about a trial that would make Sonko ineligible for the 2024 presidential elections. On 14 April 2023, he was charged with “contempt of court, defamation and acts likely to compromise public peace”.
Political Manoeuvring at Play
The detention of Faye, the party’s secretary-general, and its president, Sonko, fuelled speculation that the government intended to remove the leadership of the Pastef party. Indeed, in July 2023, Senegal’s interior ministry dissolved PASTEF. However, unlike Sonko, Faye was not put on trial. This meant he could retain his civic rights. It was during his jail time that the Pastef party developed a plan to facilitate his participation in the upcoming presidential election.
Campaign images bearing the slogan “Diomaye moy Sonko” (“Diomaye is Sonko”) circulated on social media on Sunday, 19 November 2023, just ahead of the sponsorship period for the presidential election in Senegal. Many were surprised when Sonko relinquished his position to support Faye. And several MPs – Guy Marius Sagna, Birame Souleye Diop, and Abass Fall – who were contenders in the presidential elections, withdrew their candidacies. This made Faye the sole candidate of the party. Despite Pastef’s dissolution, they successfully initiated a popular sponsorship campaign for Faye.
The Burning Questions
Often described as altruistic, Faye revealed in his first press conference after his release from prison how he used his first scholarship from the leadership training school to provide clean water connections for his family and neighbors. He vehemently opposes the use of strength by the powerful to oppress those who are, supposedly, weak. The man, despite the tumultuous electoral context, received acclaim from voters, and he appeared quite timid on 25 March during his first presidential address.
It remains to be seen whether he can fill the presidential shoes. The coming weeks or months should enlighten us.
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