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POLITICS

Tinubu’s Buhari Burden

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By Chidi Amuta

President Bola Tinubu’s success or failure in office may not be the result of his own making. It would be the weight of a political burden he is so far carrying apparently quite willingly. Every policy pronouncement he has so far made and measures he has hinted at taking is an inherited yoke from the immediate past Buhari presidency. In a sense, Tinubu’s presidency so far is looking more like a reactive incumbency. He has merely been reacting to what his predecessor left in the in-tray at the Aso Villa office. Insecurity. Monumental poverty. Economic hopelessness. Subsidies and entitlements. A critically divided nation. Unprecedented corruption. Name it. It is all inherited from Mr. Buhari. But Tinubu and his cohorts seem reluctant to say so.

The most elementary lesson of the presidential systems and indeed every democratic succession is that the new leader is elected not just to clean up the mess made by his predecessor but also to leave room to make his own peculiar mess. So far, Mr. Tinubu seems too preoccupied with the baggage left by his Daura friend instead of getting ready to make his own mess or landmarks.

In some sense, president Tinubu has carried on literally like a beast of burden. He has not complained to the nation about the burden he inherited nor the extent of the mess on his plate. One or two random arrests have been made and a probe of the Central Bank has been instituted. It is of course true that government is a continuum. Each new leaders is chosen to deal with the trouble he finds on the plate. Leaders are elected to lead, not to lament or offer excuses on behalf of those gone by especially when the past and the present are born of the same party. But it is also an elementary responsibility of leadership to name the source of present headaches so that the public can minimally understand and empathize.

And this is where Tinubu’s publicity machinery is failing. They are busy constructing political enemies from among the opposition of Atiku Abubakar’s PDP and Peter Obi’s Labour Party. This is quite excusable. But it is lazy public relations. Tinubu’s existential adversaries are not the current opposition. They are not yet a full blown opposition figures since they are still in court. His most consequential political enemies might lie in his ruling party and the devotees of his predecessor. His greatest enemy is to be found in the inner cultic followership of his immediate predecessor. It is Mr. Buhari that laid all the booby traps that are likely to fell Tinubu or keep him busy for the next four years. The best test of party solidarity would be to try and upset Buhari’s apple cart. The political fangs and jack knives will come out.

And yet so far, the Daura general is comfortably savouring his cosy retirement in his ranch. He has even had the temerity to unleash his megaphones on the public to justify his actions in office. The most disastrous leader in the whole of Nigerian history is being revised as a man without regrets and who took the best decisions in the best interest of the nation. It is either being trumpeted that he has no regrets for the disaster he unleashed on the nation. And because we live in a nation where leaders face no consequences for their actions in office, Buhari is sufficiently shameless and immune as to use every occasion to preach to or lecture Nigerians on patriotism, good governance and the value of good leadership. In every other self respecting republic, a man with Buhari’s record in office should either be in jail, facing trial at the Hague or quarantined in disgraceful internal exile for the rest of his life. And here is just a tip of why.

Under Mr. Buhari’s eight years, close to 90,000 citizens were killed by bandits or kidnappers. Fewer than 100 known bandits and kidnappers were were either arrested or brought to book for these crimes. Any number of our young daughters, wives or female relations were abducted, raped, abused, carted off  into forceful  matrimony or sold off into direct slavery. Under Buhari’s watch, insecurity forced an estimated 7 million Nigerians to become Internally Displaced Persons, sequestered from home, kith and kin  and livelihood for an indefinite period.

In this period, Nigeria climbed up the global insecurity index. We became among the top five most dangerous nations of the world in the league of Somalia, Syria, Yemen, Libya and Sudan while our police force is now grouped among the worst in the world.

Under this illustrious Daura general, the national economy was literally eviscerated.  Arguably, we have been set back a good three decades in economic terms. An external debt of anywhere between $80 billion and $100 billion hangs over our collective neck with over N30 trillion in domestic debts. Our external reserves, long brandished as $34-$37 billion was surreptitiously used to leverage clandestine external loans from American banks to the extent of over $18 billion with neither parliamentary approval nor other statutory due processes. We are now spending over 98% of our total revenue on debt servicing. Only this week, the World Bank designated the Nigerian Naira as one  of the worst currencies in sub Saharan Africa. As we speak, over N1000 is equivalent to $1 USD!

Not long before the 2023 presidential elections, a dubious Nair re-design project was suddenly unleashed on Nigerians by the duo of Presdient Buhari and his Central Bank Governor, Mr. Godwin Emefiele. People’s bank deposits were literally confiscated by the government. An unanticipated cash crunch hit the nation. People could not access their own hard earned money. Others went through untold hardship to  get into banks that had no money- ether new or old currencies- to dispense. People died of poverty, disease and hardship. Up to this moment, hardly more than a trickle of the new currencies on which huge public expenditure had been incurred is in circulation. And no questions are being asked.

Still on money matters, close to N29.3 trillion of worthless currency was printed and pumped into the economy by a colluding Central Bank through a dubious Ways and Means mechanism, thereby fueling further runaway inflation which today hovers above 27%. Under Buhari’s eight years, Nigeria witnessed the largest migration of citizens into multidimensional poverty than at any other time in our history. An estimated over 130 million Nigerians now live in poverty being the largest ‘poverty republic’ in the world, more than India with a population of over 1.4 billion people.

As Petroleum Minister, Mr. Buhari presided over the emergence of oil theft, illegal bunkering and illicit refineries as an industry and a sector of Nigeria’s expanding insecurity sub sector. At its worst moments, close to 30% of Nigeria’s daily oil production was being creamed off by oil thieves often with official and security knowledge and enablement. Under Buhari, the nation witnessed the institutionalization of corruption. The leadership of the very agencies established to fight corruption (EFCC and ICPC) were themselves investigated and found culpable of condoning high level corruption and there were no consequences. No arrests. No prosecutions.  No recoveries. No reasonable forfeitures.

Mr. Buhari presided over a deliberate and reckless mismanagement of our national diversity through aggressive nepotism, nativism and divisive politics. In response to irritations from secessionist movements in the South East, Buhari could not hide his allergy to the Igbos as a nationality. He threatened on Twitter to unleash genocidal violence on them by speaking to them “in a language they understand from the civil war years.” He capped this xenophobic vituperation by describing the igbos as a mere ‘dot’ surrounded by ‘a circle’ of Nigerian security viciousness. Twitter scrubbed this twit as ‘hate speech’ for which Twitter was banned from the Nigerian web space for close to a year!

Back to Tinubu’s self -imposed Buhari burden. It is true that faithfulness to party demands that Tinubu should remain silent on the culpability of Mr. Buhari for the myriad burdens he has to contend with. Faithfulness to party perhaps dictates that he should gloss over some of Mr. Buhari’s excusable lapses. But we are not dealing with casual lapses but fundamental acts of epic incompetence or deliberate misdeed occasioned by ignorance or patent wickedness and insensitivity. We are dealing with acts and policies that have literally destroyed the nation we all call home.

Within the rubrics of faithfulness to party solidarity and policy continuity, it is perhaps understandable that President Tinubu has continued to own the highpoints of his predecessor’s infamous rule. He may have been emboldened in this regard by the outcome of the 2023 presidential elections. After all, he ran under the platform of the APC and was declared winner. This may indicate that the Nigerian populace saw nothing wrong with Buhari’s or the APC’s rule. That would be a conventional democratic wisdom. Ordinarily, the electorate should ‘punish’ a party with a defective performance record at the next election. The controversial result of the 2023 presidential election indicates widespread public hesitation to endorse the return of the APC after the Buhari infamy. It stops short of a wholesale rejection of the APC. A vote tally of less than 9 million in a registered voter population of over 83 million and a population of over 200 million cannot by any stretch be described as an endorsement of a ruling party.

Even at that, President Tinubu needs to understand the dividing line between faithfulness to party solidarity and his own political self interest. While party solidarity dictates a rhetorical commitment to continuing with the Buhari legacy, real politik dictates that he distances himself, as much as possible, from the worst of Buhari.

As Buhari and his jaded acolytes continue to bring him out for occasional airing, his plight reminds me of Joseph Stalin win his last days. Towards the end, he was adjudged as somewhat unhinged by the public and his close lieutenants. But he insisted that he was acting rationally and in the best interests of the nation. Somehow, his  derangement had progressed so far that he could not distinguished between illusion and reality. He mistook each act of deluded autocracy as illustrious service to the nation.

He noticed that the attendance at his weekend garden parties was getting  unusually scanty. On one occasion, when he made his usual grand entrance, he asked aloud: ‘Where have all my friends gone?’ An aide leaned over and whispered into his ears: ‘All gone, all purged…’ Stalin, in his delusion, failed to see that his sweeping purges of ‘anti revolutionary elements’ had also wiped out majority of his friends and allies. Close to 6 million had perished on Stalin’s orders. The man of power had eroded and destroyed the very nation in whose name he was wielding the power of the state. But the suffering and death of the masses meant little to him. As he famously said: “The death of one man is a tragedy. But the death of many is statistics…”

To Buhari in is final days in power, Nigerians were no more than mre subjects and statistics. The nation was a playground. The nation of his legacy is best described as a field after a locust invasion. For President Tinubu to see his presidency as a continuation of this legacy is political hara-kiri. He needs to choose now.

Dr Chidi Amuta is a Public Affairs Analyst in Nigeria.


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POLITICS

Ceasefire or Cycle? Gaza and the Politics of a Manufactured Peace

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Baba Yunus Muhammad

When dawn broke over Gaza on the 9th of November, 2025, it brought neither peace nor silence. The roar of Israeli jets shattered the pretense of calm as explosions tore through crowded neighborhoods, refugee camps, and hospital shelters. By morning, at least 104 Palestinians were dead — 35 of them children. Among the ruins stood the Insan camp, a temporary refuge for cancer patients, reduced to dust and disbelief.

The strikes came just three weeks after a ceasefire agreement that the world hailed as a “turning point.” For Palestinians, ceasefires have long ceased to mean peace. They are pauses — brief, exhausted silences before the next storm.

Anatomy of a Fragile Ceasefire

The October 10 ceasefire, brokered by U.S. President Donald Trump, was the latest in a series of fragile truces. Like its predecessors, it emerged not from mutual understanding but mutual fatigue. Israel retained control of Gaza’s airspace, borders, and sea routes; its drones continued to hover overhead; its army remained positioned just beyond the fence. Gaza, meanwhile, was expected to disarm while receiving little relief from a blockade that has strangled its economy for more than seventeen years.

Netanyahu’s renewed airstrikes followed a firefight in which an Israeli soldier was killed. Hamas denied initiating the clash, accusing Israeli troops of provocation. The immediate spark came amid public outrage in Israel over Hamas handing over fragments of a hostage’s body — remains Israeli forces claimed to have recovered two years earlier. The symbolism ignited nationalist fury, and Netanyahu reached for a familiar weapon: war.

War as Political Theatre

To understand why ceasefires collapse, one must look beyond the battlefield to the political theatre surrounding it. Netanyahu has long used Gaza’s suffering as a backdrop for domestic consolidation. Each escalation allows him to recast himself as Israel’s “protector,” diverting attention from corruption charges, coalition infighting, and mounting social unrest.

For Hamas, resistance remains a key source of legitimacy. Under siege since 2007, governing one of the most densely populated and impoverished territories on earth, defiance is a declaration of existence. Each exchange of fire sustains the cycle: Israel bombs to restore deterrence; Hamas fires back to restore dignity. Civilians are left to mourn, rebuild, and wait for the next pause — one that will hold just long enough for the world to look away.

Ceasefire Without Justice

Ceasefires in Gaza are often truce agreements without justice. They pause the violence but leave structural oppression intact. Since 2009, more than a dozen ceasefires have been declared, yet the roots of the conflict — occupation, displacement, blockade — remain. The siege restricts movement, bans exports, and limits imports, including medical supplies and construction materials. Unemployment hovers around 50 percent, electricity is rationed, and most children have never known freedom.

The Global Theatre

President Trump’s declaration that “nothing will jeopardise the ceasefire” while endorsing Israel’s “right to hit back” exposes the moral contradictions of global diplomacy. The United States presents itself as a peace broker while supplying Israel with weapons that make peace impossible. Europe, too, speaks of international law even as it trades with settlement-based companies and arms the Israeli military. The result is complicity. For Palestinians, the “international community” has become a bitter phrase — a chorus that mourns the dead but funds the killers.

Counting the Cost

Behind the numbers lie human stories. Children who had survived multiple wars, doctors performing surgeries by flashlight, teachers turning bomb shelters into classrooms — all perished or struggled to survive in this latest attack. At the Insan camp, a sanctuary for cancer patients, survivors described a night of terror and despair: “We thought a medical facility would be safe. Now we know that nothing is.”

Amid devastation, Gaza endures. Volunteers dig through rubble with their bare hands. Teachers reopen classrooms in the shadows of ruins. Mothers cook what little food remains for neighbors who have lost everything. Survival itself is resistance.

The Economics of Occupation

Every war leaves Gaza poorer and more dependent. The destruction of infrastructure is systematic: roads, factories, schools, and farms targeted to erase economic independence. The blockade prevents reconstruction, ensuring reliance on international aid, often routed through Israeli checkpoints and banks.

Occupation thus creates a paradox: humanitarian relief sustains the very structures that destroy lives. For Islamic economists, this reveals the moral bankruptcy of a global financial order that profits from misery. Decolonisation, therefore, is not only political — it is economic. Ending occupation requires dismantling systems that convert suffering into commerce and war into industry.

Africa’s Mirror

For Africans, Palestine’s struggle is painfully familiar. From apartheid South Africa to colonial frontiers in Algeria and Kenya, the continent knows what it means to have land stolen, identity erased, and resistance criminalized. African solidarity with Palestine is not sentimentality; it is historical memory. Nelson Mandela captured this truth: “Our freedom is incomplete without the freedom of the Palestinians.”

Economic justice, rooted in ethics, equity, and human dignity, must be the foundation for lasting peace — not only for Palestine but for the Global South as a whole.

What Will It Take?

The question before the world is simple yet profound: Will the ceasefire hold?

History offers little optimism. A truce that leaves occupation intact is a truce built on sand. Peace cannot be sustained by fear or imposed by force. It requires justice — not as rhetoric, but as reality.

For Gaza, justice means an end to siege, reconstruction without interference, accountability for war crimes, and recognition of Palestinian rights. It demands that the world confront its complicity and act beyond rhetoric. Islamic ethical principles remind us that peace (salam) cannot exist without justice (adl), and wealth should serve humanity rather than domination.

Will the Ceasefire Hold?

Not as it stands. A ceasefire can stop bullets, but not the machinery that fires them. It can pause violence, but not the ideology that justifies it. True peace will hold only when Gaza is free, Palestinians are sovereign, and the international community prioritizes justice over geopolitics.

Until then, each ceasefire is not the end of war, but preparation for the next. Yet hope persists — in Gaza’s hospitals, in classrooms rebuilt from rubble, in mothers who refuse despair. The ceasefire will hold only when the world’s conscience does — when justice, not expedience, becomes the guiding principle.

Footnote:

AFRIEF Webinar — “Palestine: Stolen or Decolonised?”

The Africa Islamic Economic Forum (AFRIEF) will host a two-hour virtual webinar exploring the political economy of Palestine, the structures sustaining occupation, and pathways toward decolonisation. Scholars, economists, and policy experts will examine how ethical finance, economic justice, and international solidarity intersect with the struggle for Palestinian sovereignty.

This webinar builds on discussions highlighted in this feature, providing a platform for informed dialogue on justice-oriented economics, human dignity, and the moral imperatives that must guide responses to Gaza’s ongoing crisis.

Baba Yunus Muhammad is the President of the Africa Islamic Economic Forum and a political and economic analyst with a focus on sustainable development, global trade, and Islamic economics. He writes regularly on issues of economic justice, governance, and the intersection of faith and finance


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POLITICS

The Economics of Legitimacy: When Power is Stolen, Prosperity is Postponed.

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Every economy rests on a foundation deeper than currency or trade — it rests on trust. When citizens no longer believe in their leaders, when institutions are captured and laws become elastic, the economy’s moral infrastructure collapses. This is the real cost of Africa’s democratic decay.

Illegitimate power corrodes fiscal discipline. Leaders who rule through manipulation rather than consent spend to survive, not to serve. They inflate bureaucracies, buy loyalty, and mortgage the future for immediate political calm. Public debt balloons, corruption thrives, and the poor — who have no lobby — bear the cost.

The link between governance and growth is now undeniable. The African Development Bank estimates that corruption and mismanagement cost the continent up to $150 billion annually. Countries with transparent elections enjoy three times higher foreign investment and twice the rate of economic diversification. By contrast, states governed by decree or deception face chronic capital flight and social unrest.

For the Islamic economist, legitimacy (sharʿiyyah) is not only a political concept; it is an economic principle. The Qur’an ties justice (ʿadl) to sustenance (rizq): “If the people of the towns had believed and been mindful of God, We would have opened for them blessings from the heavens and the earth.” (Qur’an 7:96).

Where rulers govern through consultation (shūrā) and accountability, nations prosper. Where deceit rules, even natural wealth turns into a curse. The lesson is clear: no budget, bond, or bailout can compensate for the loss of legitimacy.

……….Power Without Expiry Dates: The Continent’s Longest Reigns and the Price of Their Politics

Across Africa, the ballot box is losing its moral weight. Constitutions promise renewal, but power lingers. From Cameroon to Tanzania, the story is the same: elections are held, but accountability is postponed. What emerges is not people’s choice but political endurance — and the longer rulers stay, the weaker their nations grow.

In Cameroon, Paul Biya has ruled since 1982 — a staggering 43 years — recently securing another victory amid boycotts and fraud claims. Yoweri Museveni of Uganda, in power since 1986, continues to suppress dissent and throttle the internet at every poll. Teodoro Obiang Nguema of Equatorial Guinea has outlasted every African Union chairman since 1979, routinely “winning” with over 95% of the vote. In Eritrea, Isaias Afwerki governs without a single national election since independence in 1993.

Others are newer but no less troubling. Alassane Ouattara of Côte d’Ivoire claimed a constitutional “reset” to justify a third term in 2020. Samia Suluhu Hassan of Tanzania returned to power in 2025 with 98% of the vote, following arrests of opposition figures and curbs on the press. In Guinea, Mamadi Doumbouya — the military ruler who once promised civilian rule — has now banned opponents while announcing his own candidacy.

These are not aberrations; they are the architecture of Africa’s political stagnation.

Rigged Votes, Real Losses

Weak governance has an economic signature — and it’s written in red.
The IMF reports that Africa’s average risk premium on sovereign bonds stands at 6.8%, more than double the emerging-market norm. UNCTAD finds foreign investment fell 12% in unstable states since 2019. Youth unemployment averages 33% across the region. Tax systems collect barely 13–15% of GDP, compared to 33% globally. The African Development Bank estimates 5–7% of GDP is lost yearly to corruption and mismanagement.

Where leaders cling to power, capital flees. Where institutions collapse, the poor are left to pay in silence.

Where Ballots Bow to Bayonets

Across the continent, only a handful of nations — Botswana, Mauritius, Cabo Verde — maintain genuinely free and fair elections. Others, like Kenya, Ghana, and Senegal, wobble between progress and regression. The majority now live under systems where democracy is a façade: Tanzania, Uganda, Cameroon, Côte d’Ivoire, Guinea, and Egypt — all red on the Freedom House map, where gavel, crown, and tank replace the ballot box.

The Democracy–Development Disconnect

The numbers expose the paradox: the top 10 authoritarian states have an average per capita income of USD 2,100; the most democratic average USD 6,700.
Over 25 African nations have known one-party or one-man rule for more than a quarter-century.
Only nine have experienced peaceful power transfers in the past decade.
And according to Freedom House (2025), 77% of Africans now live under “partly free” or “not free” regimes.

“No economy can flourish where institutions are hollow, and no democracy can endure where justice is for sale.”
\Justice Is the Currency of Governance

Islamic values offer a forgotten metric of leadership. The Prophet ﷺ ruled through shūrā (consultation), ʿadl (justice), amānah (trust), and maṣlaḥah (the public good). These principles are the “coins” of moral legitimacy — yet today, most regimes rate dangerously low on each. Governance has become transactional, not ethical.

Until Africa restores the moral foundation of its politics, democracy will remain ritual — and economic reform, an illusion.

……..When the Pulpit Falls Silent: Why Africa’s Ulema Must Speak for Justice

Silence is not neutrality. In the Qur’an, the Prophet Shuʿayb was sent to a people whose commerce was unjust; he warned them that cheating the scales invites divine wrath. Today, across much of Africa, our scales — political, economic, moral — are badly tilted. Leaders cling to office through manipulation, youth lose faith in ballots, and public wealth is consumed by private greed.

This is not merely a political failure; it is a spiritual one. The Qur’an commands: “O you who believe, stand firmly for justice, witnesses for Allah, even if against yourselves or your kin.” (4:135). If the faithful will not hold rulers accountable, who will?

Africa’s mosques and religious institutions wield enormous moral authority. They educate, they counsel, they comfort — but too often, they retreat from confronting injustice for fear of politics. Yet the Prophet ﷺ said: “The greatest jihad is to speak a word of truth before a tyrant ruler.” Silence before oppression is not prudence; it is complicity.

Imams, scholars, and Islamic economists can champion reform without partisanship. They can preach about stewardship (amānah), integrity in public service, and the sin of corruption. They can organise civic literacy workshops that teach believers their constitutional rights and responsibilities. They can remind the wealthy and powerful that every dinar taken unjustly will be accounted for before Allah.

Africa does not lack constitutions; it lacks conscience. When mosques become centres of justice education, when the faithful demand accountability as a religious duty, when economic policy is shaped by moral restraint — then democracy will cease to be a ritual and become a trust once more.


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POLITICS

Samia Suluhu Hassan: Power, Pragmatism — and a Presidency Under Strain

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Baba Yunus Muhammad

When Samia Suluhu Hassan assumed Tanzania’s presidency in 2021, she arrived on a tide of cautious optimism. The sudden death of her predecessor, John Magufuli, had left the country in shock and uncertainty. Samia’s calm tone and early conciliatory gestures—restoring international ties, meeting opposition leaders, reopening dialogue with donors—were widely read as signs of a gentler, more pragmatic leadership. Yet four years later, that optimism has largely faded.

The October 2025 election cemented her power in dramatic fashion: an official landslide, nearly 98 percent of the vote, granting her and the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) an overwhelming mandate. But it was a victory shadowed by suppression and fear. Opposition figures were disqualified or detained, campaign events broken up by security forces, and independent media throttled by new restrictions. When results were announced, protests erupted in Dar es Salaam, Mwanza, and Arusha. Police responded with curfews and force. Several deaths were reported.

The government insists it acted to preserve peace. Critics see the episode as proof that Tanzania’s democracy—once a regional example of quiet stability—has sunk into managed authoritarianism. The overwhelming vote margin, many observers argue, speaks less to popularity than to the absence of any genuine competition.

It is an irony of power: the leader once cast as healer now presides over an anxious nation. The ruling CCM, in office since independence, remains a formidable political machine. Its networks reach into nearly every district, its control of state resources entrenched through decades of incumbency. Samia’s presidency, in this sense, has deepened a long Tanzanian tradition—order without openness.

On the economic front, the picture is no less complex. Tanzania’s GDP growth has remained robust by regional standards, powered by construction, mining, services, and agriculture. Inflation is moderate, and the debt ratio comparatively healthy. Yet beneath these steady macro indicators lies a story of structural fragility. The country’s tax base is too narrow to sustain ambitious spending; vast public projects have piled up commitments without always yielding productivity gains. Youth unemployment is rising, rural inequality widening, and climate pressures increasingly threaten agriculture—the livelihood of most Tanzanians.

Multilateral institutions have praised Samia’s investment drive but warn that without deep revenue reform and stronger governance, Tanzania risks “growing without transforming.” Much of the growth remains urban and capital-intensive, leaving a restless young population excluded from its rewards. The president’s Vision 2050 blueprint—meant to drive industrialization and self-reliance—faces the same fiscal dilemma as similar plans before it: too few domestic resources, and too little political transparency to ensure that what’s spent is spent well.

The political climate only compounds those concerns. Human-rights organizations describe an expanding list of violations: arbitrary arrests, restrictions on assembly, forced evictions linked to development projects, and intimidation of journalists. In many regions, opposition rallies can only proceed under heavy surveillance, if at all. To international partners, Samia’s government projects a narrative of discipline and sovereignty; to her critics, it is a system increasingly allergic to dissent.

For ordinary Tanzanians, these dynamics are not abstract. Economic frustration meets shrinking civic space in dangerous ways. Farmers displaced from ancestral land, students struggling for jobs, and activists facing arrest—each is a symptom of a deeper imbalance between growth and justice. The protests that followed the 2025 election were not merely about votes, but about a sense that the system listens less and commands more.

Still, Samia remains a formidable political force. She has built her authority within CCM through a mix of pragmatism and patronage, consolidating the party’s factions and cultivating an image of motherly resolve. Her soft-spoken manner belies a leader keenly aware of power’s machinery and the price of control. In that respect, she has not betrayed her predecessor’s legacy so much as refined it—turning Magufuli’s confrontational nationalism into a more polished, internationally palatable form of dominance.

Tanzania’s future now stands at a delicate crossroads. One scenario envisions continued growth under tight political control—orderly, predictable, and perhaps efficient in the short term, but brittle in the long run. Another imagines a gradual opening, where the government restores civic freedoms and empowers institutions to check excess. The third, darker path would be escalation: more protests, harsher crackdowns, and international isolation that unravels the country’s economic promise.

The choice, ultimately, rests with the same woman who came to power preaching unity. Samia Suluhu Hassan governs a nation that still believes in its potential—a nation young, resource-rich, and eager for dignity. Whether she leads it toward inclusive prosperity or entrenched control will define not just her presidency, but Tanzania’s next chapter in history.

About the Author:
Baba Yunus Muhammad is the President of the Africa Islamic Economic Forum and a seasoned political analyst focusing on governance, democracy, and socio-economic transformation across Africa. He writes extensively on the intersection of faith, leadership, and political reform on the continent. His work bridges politics, economics, and moral philosophy, highlighting how governance and ethics shape development outcomes across the continent. babayunus@icloud.com


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