By Our Special Correspondent
For more than three decades, Somaliland has existed in a strange and punishing political reality: governing itself peacefully, maintaining stability in a volatile region, yet remaining invisible in the international system. This prolonged exclusion has shaped every aspect of its foreign policy, forcing its leaders and citizens alike to confront uncomfortable questions about how recognition is pursued and at what price.
Within this context, discussions about a potential relationship with Israel—and the possibility of Israeli recognition—have taken on heightened significance. Such conversations are not driven by ideology alone, but by the hard arithmetic of international politics. Recognition is power, and power is rarely extended without expectation.
Israel’s interest in Somaliland, where it exists, is not difficult to interpret. Somaliland occupies a strategic position along one of the world’s most critical maritime corridors, close to the Bab al-Mandab Strait and the Red Sea. In an era of intensified competition over trade routes, security architecture, and regional influence, geography becomes destiny. For a state seeking strategic depth and new diplomatic footholds, Somaliland represents an opportunity that extends far beyond symbolic recognition.
For Somaliland, however, the stakes are far higher. Recognition would mark the culmination of a long struggle for political legitimacy and international participation. Yet recognition obtained through narrow or unequal arrangements risks exchanging one form of marginalization for another. History offers countless examples of smaller, unrecognized polities entering partnerships that promise sovereignty but deliver dependency.
The moral dimension of a Somaliland–Israel relationship cannot be ignored. Somaliland’s own political narrative is rooted in resistance to injustice, marginalization, and imposed authority. Its claim to statehood rests on consent, historical grievance, and the right of a people to determine their own future. Any foreign relationship that undermines these principles—whether through enforced silence, strategic alignment that contradicts popular sentiment, or indirect involvement in broader conflicts—weakens the very foundation upon which Somaliland’s legitimacy is built.
At the same time, Somaliland does not have the luxury of idealism detached from reality. Diplomacy is not a purity contest. States engage with a wide range of actors to secure their interests, and isolation carries its own moral and material costs. The challenge, therefore, is not engagement itself, but the terms under which engagement occurs. Recognition must enhance sovereignty, not dilute it. It must expand Somaliland’s room to maneuver, not bind it to external security or political agendas that its people did not choose.
There is also the regional dimension to consider. The Horn of Africa and the Red Sea basin are already saturated with foreign military bases, intelligence competition, and proxy rivalries. Any move that draws Somaliland deeper into these dynamics risks destabilizing the very peace and cohesion that have distinguished it from its neighbors. Recognition that comes at the expense of regional balance or domestic consensus may prove more destabilizing than beneficial.
Ultimately, Somaliland’s greatest strength has never been the promise of external validation. It has been its internal stability, social contracts, and capacity for self-governance under pressure. These are assets that cannot be traded lightly. International recognition, when it comes, should reflect these realities rather than compromise them.
The question, then, is not whether Somaliland should seek recognition wherever it can, but whether it can afford recognition that arrives tethered to expectations it cannot control. In a world where power rarely gives without taking, Somaliland’s challenge is to ensure that recognition—when achieved—marks the beginning of true sovereignty, not the quiet negotiation of its limits.