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ISLAMIC ECONOMY

Australia’s Growing Camel Meat Trade Reveals a Hidden History of Early Muslim Migrants

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Afghan cameleers helped settle Australia’s interior.

There is a camel in Hanifa Deen’s kitchen. He looks down at her as she cooks, eyes proud yet warm, delicately flared snout-smelling dinner. While the creature is merely an image on a poster, Deen, who has written several books on Islam in Australia, regards him affectionately. “It looks like such a regal creature, such a haughty creature,” she says. That’s why you’ll only find camels decorating the walls of Deen’s kitchen, rather than filling a pot on her stove. “I admit, I can’t bring myself to eat a camel burger,” she says.

For many, disinterest in eating camel may sound natural. But around the world, particularly in the Middle East, North Africa, and their diasporas, camel meat is dinner. In parts of Morocco, it’s stewed into fragrant tagines on special occasions. In Cairo, diners will pay a premium for the animal’s delicate fat. In Somali neighborhoods of the American Midwest, camel burgers offer immigrant communities, and curious neighbors, a fusion-inspired taste of home.

In contrast, most Australians, who are predominantly European in origin, come from cuisines unused to camel meat. Yet for a large lobby of Australian environmentalists, animal rights activists, and entrepreneurs—not to mention foodies—getting more camel into the Australian diet is not only a gustatory goal: It’s a solution to a major environmental problem.

That’s because Australia is home to the largest feral camel population in the world, with an estimated 300,000 to one million animals. The camels aren’t native to Australia: They were imported in the 19th century to explore the vast deserts of the country’s interior. Left to roam after the advent of motorcars, the population now poses a threat to both delicate ecosystems and local water supplies. In an attempt to address this environmental damage, the Australian government has sponsored aerial camel culls, in which feral camels are shot down by helicopter, their flesh left to rot in the sand. This outrages animal rights activists and many have suggested another way. Why not use feral camels for meat? In Australian neighborhoods home to recent Middle Eastern and African immigrants, after all, halal butcher shops already carry camel meat taken from the Outback, and the Australian camel-meat export industry is growing modestly.

The camel meat industry doesn’t just aspire to address the country’s feral camel conundrum. It also reveals the lingering legacy of a little-known aspect of Australian colonization. Recent Muslim immigrants to Australia present one potential market for the country’s fledgling camel-meat trade. Yet it was Australia’s first Muslim migrants who helped bring camels to Australia in the first place—and in doing so, enabled the settlement of the Australian interior.

In the 19th century, British colonists in Australia faced an endless desert. While Australia’s aboriginal people had thrived in the interior’s arid landscape for millennia, Europeans were stumped by the vast expanse. Was it flat or mountainous? Dry or a giant inland sea? Early expeditions failed to make much progress. European modes of exploration, including by horse, weren’t suited to the terrain.

Inspiration came from elsewhere in the Empire. The British had come into contact with camels in their colonial holdings in India, where camels and their drivers had traveled Northwest India’s Thar desert for centuries. In 1858, The Victorian Exploration Committee tasked horse dealer George Landell with recruiting camels and their drivers from India. When explorers Robert O’Hara Burke and William John Wills set off on their famous 1860 trek across the Australian continent, they brought camels with them. Hardy, steady, and dependable, able to trek for miles under the brutal sun with very little water, camels became an invaluable part of the overland network of goods, labor, and infrastructure that enabled the settlement of Australia’s interior. In the latter half of the 19th century, Australians would import an estimated 20,000 camels to the continent.

Camel handlers came with them. Called “Afghan cameleers,” an estimated 3,000 of these mostly Muslim men migrated to Australia. They weren’t all from Afghanistan—many came from British North India—but white Australians dubbed them all “Afghan,” and the name stuck, says Philip Jones, Senior Curator of Anthropology at the South Australian Museum. Despite the careless nomenclature, the cameleers’ significance was acknowledged by some white Australian officials. “It is no exaggeration to say that if it had not been for the Afghan and his Camels,” wrote one white Australian official in 1902, then “Wilcannia, White Cliffs, Tibooburra, Milperinka, and other Towns, each center of considerable population, would have practically ceased to exist.”

Yet the settling of Australia’s interior was, like the rest of the British colonial project, underlined by a toxic cocktail of racial pseudoscience. The Muslim cameleers, especially those who came from what is now Afghanistan, were regarded as “the aboriginal natives of Asia,” says Nahid Afrose Kabir, a historian, and sociologist who has written a book on the history of Australian Muslims. While the cameleers may have escaped the more extreme violence visited by Europeans on Australian Aboriginal communities, white Australians’ belief in the Muslims’ racial inferiority, coupled with competition over scarce Outback drinking water, boiled over into occasional racial violence.

“The Afghans and their camels are the filthiest lots that ever went near water,” wrote one Australian official in 1893. Tensions exploded in 1894, when a white Australian, Tom Knowles, shot and killed two cameleers, Noor Mahomet and Jehan Mohamet, as they performed wudu, the ritualistic washing before namaz or Muslim prayers, in a Western Australian spring. A jury found Knowles not guilty.

The cameleers set up enduring networks of infrastructure and trade, but they were mostly transitory. This was partly the nature of their profession: Even in India, cameleers were accustomed to undertaking long, rough, episodic voyages on contract. But it was also by Australian government design. By the late 19th century, calls for Australia to become a country of its own were mounting. Nationalism brought a wave of heightened racism. In 1901, the new Australian nation codified these racist sentiments into law. Collectively called the White Australia policy, these immigration laws barred immigrants pending their successful completion of Byzantine “language tests,” administered in any European language immigration officers pleased. Like the “literacy tests” of the U.S. Jim Crow South, these tests were about race, not language; the arcane requirements magically loosened for European applicants. The policy halted almost all non-white immigration until the Australian government relaxed enforcement in the 1970s.

Combined with the advent of motorized transport, the White Australia policy meant there was no place left for the Afghan cameleers. By the 1920s, the vast majority of them left the country. Their camels remained behind. Some of them were shot under the South Australian Camels Destruction Act of 1925. Others were released into the wilderness, where they continue to thrive to this day.

While the most visible, feral camels aren’t the only mark the cameleers left on Australia. Several of their mosques, like those in Perth and Adelaide, continue to host religious services. Meanwhile, descendants of the 300 or so cameleers who stayed and married white or Aboriginal women still live in parts of South Australia, recognizable by their surnames and their family pride.

Hanifa Deen’s affection for camels may stem from this legacy. Growing up in one of the few Muslim families in Perth, Deen attended a mosque alongside a few of the remaining cameleers. They seemed ancient. “I’d see all these old men, bearded with their turbans, pulling on their hookahs slowly and swaying as if caught up in a dream from another world,” she says.

When she began doing research on the cameleers for a book project, Deen was struck by the vitality of the young men in archival photographs. They were vibrant, hopeful, and very, very handsome. “My main problem was who was I going to marry,” she jokes. But in one photo, a strangely familiar face gave her pause: It was her grandfather. A businessman, he had migrated to Australia from British India in the late 19th century. His wife briefly joined him, and their son, Deen’s father, was born on the continent. While as a child he returned to South Asia with his mother, he eventually settled in Australia.* Growing up in majority-white Australia, Deen rarely heard official histories of people like her family. The reason for this omission, she says, is obvious: “Who writes the history books?”

Now, Deen and other Australian Muslims are remedying this historical erasure by writing history books themselves. Thanks to these efforts and education initiatives from institutions such as the Islamic Museum of Australia, the past couple of decades have brought increasing recognition of the cameleers’ role in Australian history to the mainstream. Kabir says this is especially important in the wake of recent, brutal Islamophobic attacks like the Christchurch mosque shooting, which was committed by a white Australian.

Meanwhile, the very groups Australia once excluded may just hold the key to solving—at least in part—the country’s feral camel dilemma. From halal butcher shops to wholesalers exporting camels to the Middle East, Australia’s camel meat trade is on the up. The industry faces challenges, primarily among them the difficulty of transporting feral camels and fresh meat across the Outback. But lovers of camel meat say it’s worth it for the taste alone: like a cross between lamb and beef, mostly lean but with pockets of sweet, delicate fat. Camel meat is so good, one Somali-Australian butcher told the Australian Broadcasting Corporation, it’s only a matter of time before European Australians catch on. When they do, they can thank the Afghan cameleers.


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ISLAMIC ECONOMY

IsDB and Algeria Enhance Strategic Partnership

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April 15, 2025

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Aamer Yaqub

Ever wonder how global finance shapes the future of nations? Well, this past weekend in Algiers, something really interesting happened that could have big implications for Algeria and beyond! Imagine the top financial minds from the Islamic Development Bank (IsDB) meeting with Algeria’s finance minister – it wasn’t just a routine handshake. These talks, held right in the heart of Algiers, signaled a powerful move to boost their already strong partnership. We’re talking about a deeper dive into how this major financial institution and this key North African country are teaming up. Stick with us as we unpack what this could mean for economic growth, development, and even the everyday lives of people in the region.

New Partnership Framework Takes Center Stage in IsDB-Algeria Talks

The central focus of these constructive talks revolved around the unveiling of a new, comprehensive partnership framework. This ambitious framework is slated for official announcement during the much-anticipated IsDB Group Annual Meetings, a prestigious event scheduled to unfold in Algiers this coming May. The selection of Algeria as the host nation for these annual meetings further underscores the strengthening ties and mutual respect that characterize the relationship between IsDB and Algeria.

This forthcoming partnership framework is strategically designed to inject dynamism into key sectors that are vital for Algeria’s long-term prosperity. The emphasis is squarely on fostering competitiveness across various industries, actively promoting economic diversification to reduce reliance on traditional sectors, and creating a fertile ground for private sector development to flourish. Recognizing the importance of human capital, the framework also prioritizes enhanced partnerships aimed at nurturing skills, education, and overall human development within Algeria. Furthermore, the agreement seeks to leverage the collective strengths of IsDB and Algeria to bolster regional cooperation, fostering greater economic integration and shared prosperity across the wider region.

Beyond the overarching framework, the discussions also delved into the crucial matter of resuming and expanding cooperation in the financing of strategic projects. These projects are envisioned as key drivers in Algeria’s pursuit of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and in its ongoing efforts to modernize and strengthen its national infrastructure. The commitment from both IsDB and Algeria to these initiatives highlights a shared vision for a more prosperous and sustainable future for the Algerian people.

Railway Expansion: A Key Focus for IsDB and Algeria’s Collaborative Future

A particular area of emphasis during the talks was the critical role of expanding railway infrastructure as a catalyst for multifaceted progress. Both sides unequivocally underscored the potential of a modern and efficient railway network to drive sustainable economic growth by facilitating trade, connecting markets, and reducing transportation costs. Moreover, improved railway infrastructure is seen as a vital element in enhancing the quality of life for Algerian citizens by providing efficient and affordable transportation options. Environmentally, the expansion of rail networks offers a greener alternative to road transport, contributing to a reduction in carbon emissions and a smaller environmental footprint. Finally, enhanced railway connectivity is recognized as a powerful tool for fostering regional integration, both within Algeria and with neighboring countries, promoting greater social and economic cohesion.

Dr. Al Jasser, the President of the IsDB Group, reaffirmed the Bank’s unwavering commitment to supporting these transformative projects. He emphasized the IsDB’s extensive and successful track record in financing similar infrastructure initiatives across its diverse member countries, assuring Algeria of the Bank’s expertise and dedication. This commitment from the IsDB provides a significant boost to Algeria’s ambitious infrastructure development plans.

Furthermore, Dr. Al Jasser warmly commended the Algerian government for its proactive and sustained efforts in strengthening its engagement with the IsDB Group. He also expressed his sincere gratitude to Algeria for its generous offer to host the upcoming IsDB Group Annual Meetings and for its ongoing support in ensuring the resounding success of this important international gathering. This expression of appreciation underscores the mutual respect and collaborative spirit that underpin the deepening relationship between IsDB and Algeria.

A Relationship Built on Mutual Goals:

The partnership between IsDB and Algeria is not a recent development; it is a relationship built on years of shared objectives and a mutual commitment to fostering sustainable socio-economic development. Algeria has been a steadfast member of the IsDB since its inception in 1974, actively participating in the Bank’s various initiatives and benefiting from its diverse range of financing and technical assistance programs.

Over the years, the IsDB has played a significant role in supporting Algeria’s development agenda across a multitude of sectors. This includes financing crucial infrastructure projects in areas such as energy, transportation, water and sanitation, and urban development. The Bank has also supported Algeria’s efforts in promoting agricultural development, enhancing healthcare and education systems, and fostering the growth of small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs).

The IsDB: A Key Player in Global Development

Established in 1975, the Islamic Development Bank (IsDB) Group is a multilateral development finance institution focused on empowering its 57 member countries, primarily Muslim-majority nations, to achieve socio-economic progress. Guided by the principles of Islamic finance, the IsDB provides a wide array of financial products and services, including loans, grants, equity investments, and trade finance. Beyond financial assistance, the Bank also offers technical expertise and capacity-building support to its member countries.

The IsDB’s strategic priorities are closely aligned with the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). The Bank actively supports projects and programs that aim to eradicate poverty, promote inclusive and sustainable economic growth, improve health and education, and address climate change. Its commitment to fostering South-South cooperation and knowledge sharing among its member countries further enhances its impact on global development. As of early 2025, the IsDB Group’s total financing approvals have exceeded $170 billion, demonstrating its significant contribution to development initiatives across the Muslim world and beyond.

Algeria’s Strategic Importance in the Region:

Algeria, with its significant geographical size, substantial natural resources, and growing economy, holds a strategically important position in North Africa and the wider Mediterranean region. The country is actively pursuing economic diversification to reduce its reliance on hydrocarbons and is implementing reforms to attract foreign investment and promote private sector growth.

Algeria’s commitment to sustainable development is evident in its national development plans, which prioritize investments in renewable energy, infrastructure modernization, and human capital development. The country plays a key role in regional stability and is actively engaged in promoting cooperation and dialogue among its neighbors. Its rich cultural heritage and vibrant society further contribute to its significance on the global stage.

The New Partnership Framework: Pillars of Cooperation:

The new partnership framework between IsDB and Algeria, set to be unveiled in May, is expected to be built upon several key pillars of cooperation, reflecting the evolving needs and priorities of Algeria and the strategic objectives of the IsDB.

  • Boosting Competitiveness: This pillar will likely focus on supporting Algeria’s efforts to enhance the competitiveness of its industries beyond the energy sector. This could involve financing projects that promote innovation, technological upgrades, and the development of new value chains in sectors such as manufacturing, agriculture, and tourism. The IsDB and Algeria will likely collaborate on attracting foreign direct investment and fostering an enabling environment for businesses to thrive.

  • Fostering Private Sector Development: Recognizing the crucial role of the private sector in driving economic growth and creating employment opportunities, this pillar will aim to support the development of a dynamic and resilient private sector in Algeria. This could involve providing financing and technical assistance to SMEs, promoting entrepreneurship, and supporting the development of capital markets. The IsDB and Algeria may also explore initiatives to improve the business environment and reduce regulatory hurdles.

  • Enhancing Human Capital Development: Investing in people is fundamental to long-term sustainable development. This pillar will likely focus on strengthening Algeria’s education and training systems, improving healthcare infrastructure, and promoting skills development to meet the demands of a modern economy. The IsDB and Algeria may collaborate on projects that enhance access to quality education, improve healthcare outcomes, and empower youth and women. Recent data from UNESCO indicates that Algeria has made significant strides in improving literacy rates, reaching over 80% in recent years, but continued investment in quality education and skills training remains a priority.

  • Strengthening Regional Cooperation: Given Algeria’s strategic location and its commitment to regional stability, this pillar will aim to leverage the partnership with the IsDB to promote greater economic integration and cooperation across the region. This could involve supporting cross-border infrastructure projects, facilitating trade and investment flows, and promoting knowledge sharing and best practices among member countries. The IsDB and Algeria may also collaborate on initiatives that address shared challenges such as food security and climate change.

The Strategic Importance of Railway Infrastructure

The emphasis on expanding railway infrastructure during the recent discussions highlights its multifaceted benefits for Algeria’s development. Modern and efficient rail networks are increasingly recognized globally as vital arteries for economic growth and social progress.

  1. Economic Growth: Improved railway infrastructure facilitates the efficient movement of goods and people, reducing transportation costs and enhancing the competitiveness of businesses. It connects production centers with markets, both domestic and international, fostering trade and economic activity. Studies by the World Bank have consistently shown a strong correlation between investment in transport infrastructure and GDP growth.

  2. Quality of Life: Modern railways provide safe, reliable, and affordable transportation options for citizens, improving connectivity between urban and rural areas and enhancing access to employment, education, and healthcare services. This can significantly improve the overall quality of life and reduce social disparities.

  3. Environmental Sustainability: Rail transport is generally more energy-efficient and produces significantly lower carbon emissions per passenger-kilometer or tonne-kilometer compared to road or air transport. Investing in railway infrastructure aligns with Algeria’s commitment to sustainable development and its efforts to mitigate climate change.

  4. Regional Integration: Enhanced railway links can foster greater connectivity and trade between Algeria and its neighboring countries, promoting regional economic integration and strengthening political ties. This is particularly important in North Africa, where greater cooperation can unlock significant economic potential.

IsDB’s Expertise in Infrastructure Development

Dr. Al Jasser’s reaffirmation of the IsDB’s commitment to supporting Algeria’s railway ambitions is backed by the Bank’s extensive experience in financing and providing technical assistance for similar projects across its member countries. The IsDB has a proven track record of supporting the development of large-scale infrastructure projects, including railways, ports, airports, and energy networks.

The Bank’s approach to infrastructure financing goes beyond simply providing funds. It also involves providing technical expertise in project planning, design, implementation, and management. The IsDB often facilitates knowledge sharing and the adoption of best practices from other successful projects in its member countries, ensuring that Algeria can benefit from global experience in railway development.

Hosting the IsDB Annual Meetings: A Symbol of Trust and Cooperation

Algeria’s hosting of the upcoming IsDB Group Annual Meetings in May is a significant event that underscores the strong and growing partnership between IsDB and Algeria. These annual meetings bring together high-level representatives from the IsDB’s 57 member countries, as well as leading figures from the global financial and development community.

Hosting such a prestigious event provides Algeria with a unique platform to showcase its economic progress, investment opportunities, and its commitment to sustainable development. It also offers an invaluable opportunity for Algerian officials and business leaders to engage directly with their counterparts from across the Muslim world, fostering new partnerships and strengthening existing relationships.

The fact that the IsDB has chosen Algiers as the venue for its annual gathering is a testament to the Bank’s confidence in Algeria’s leadership and its recognition of the country’s growing importance within the IsDB community. It also reflects the positive trajectory of the relationship between IsDB and Algeria and the mutual trust that underpins their cooperation.

A Promising Future for IsDB and Algeria

The recent high-level discussions between Minister Bouzred and President Al Jasser, coupled with the upcoming IsDB Group Annual Meetings in Algiers, signal a new chapter in the enduring partnership between IsDB and Algeria. The commitment to a new, comprehensive partnership framework focused on boosting competitiveness, fostering private sector development, enhancing human capital, and strengthening regional cooperation holds immense promise for Algeria’s future socio-economic development.

The strengthened partnership between IsDB and Algeria, spotlighted by talks on a new framework and railway expansion, aims for sustainable development. This collaboration seeks to boost Algeria’s economic competitiveness, diversify its industries, and empower its private sector. Investing in railway infrastructure is key for economic growth, improved living standards, environmental benefits, and stronger regional ties. The IsDB’s expertise, combined with Algeria’s commitment, promises significant benefits. This alliance showcases the power of international cooperation for progress. Watch for updates from the IsDB Annual Meetings in Algiers.


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ISLAMIC ECONOMY

The New Trade War: A Tectonic Shift in the Global Economic Order

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April 11, 2025

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Baba Yunus Muhammad

The recent escalation in trade hostilities between the United States and China marks more than a simple dispute over tariffs. It represents a fundamental realignment of global economic relations. The Islamic world—stretching from Southeast Asia to West Africa—must now confront the reality of a fracturing global economy and seize the opportunity to forge a more sovereign, values-based path.

On April 9, former U.S. President Donald Trump intensified tensions by announcing a dramatic increase in tariffs on Chinese goods, raising duties to 125% and threatening to cut off all negotiations if Beijing responds in kind. China, for its part, has vowed retaliation, raising tariffs to 70% on American imports and signaling a shift toward economic self-sufficiency.

This mutual escalation is not merely a continuation of earlier trade disputes—it is a declaration of economic war. The global economy is now entering an era where the assumptions of interdependence, free trade, and economic globalization no longer hold. Instead, we are witnessing the emergence of competing economic spheres, driven not just by market considerations but by geopolitical strategy and national identity.

The Unraveling of Globalization

The decoupling of the U.S. and Chinese economies has been years in the making. What began as negotiations over trade imbalances and intellectual property rights has grown into a broader ideological contest. Trump’s latest tariffs were framed not as a bargaining tool but as a matter of national defense and political positioning. In Beijing, the message is equally firm: China will not bend under pressure and is prepared for a protracted confrontation.

For the rest of the world, the consequences will be profound. Supply chains will be disrupted. Commodity prices will fluctuate. Investment flows will shrink or shift. Economies deeply reliant on exports or external financing will be particularly vulnerable.

Among these, many Muslim-majority countries find themselves caught in a precarious position. While benefiting from globalization’s promise of open markets and foreign capital, they have remained largely dependent on industrial powers—either Western or Chinese—for critical imports, investment, and technology.

The Islamic World’s Strategic Dilemma

This new trade war should serve as a wake-up call. For too long, Islamic countries have been passive participants in global economic dynamics, rather than architects of their own collective future. The current rupture in global trade offers an unprecedented opportunity to pivot—to rethink priorities, assert sovereignty, and develop resilient, ethical economies grounded in Islamic principles.

First, there is a clear need to strengthen intra-Islamic trade. Despite the presence of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC), trade between member states remains far below potential. Structural barriers—ranging from tariff and non-tariff restrictions to poor logistics infrastructure—continue to prevent the emergence of a unified Islamic economic bloc. Efforts must be redoubled to create integrated halal supply chains, harmonized certification systems, and shared development banks.

Second, Islamic finance must play a central role. With assets exceeding $3 trillion, Islamic finance offers a model of ethical, risk-sharing financial systems that emphasize real economic activity, discourage speculative bubbles, and prohibit exploitative interest. In times of global uncertainty, these principles provide a stabilizing foundation for long-term development.

Third, there must be a shift from consumption to production. Many Muslim economies have prioritized raw commodity exports and consumer-driven growth, while neglecting industrialization, technological innovation, and higher education. A coordinated push to invest in science, research, and digital infrastructure—perhaps modeled on joint initiatives between Malaysia, Indonesia, Turkey, and Nigeria—could position the Islamic world as a center for knowledge and creativity in the post-globalization era.

Fourth, the global halal economy represents a major growth frontier. Valued at over $3 trillion across food, cosmetics, pharmaceuticals, and fashion, the halal market is projected to grow significantly. Yet Islamic countries remain underrepresented in its global value chain. Greater cooperation is needed to turn the halal economy into a true engine of industrial development and global trade.

A Call to Leadership and Unity

The stakes are high. As the U.S. and China descend further into economic confrontation, nations across the Global South will be forced to choose sides—or suffer the collateral damage. But the Islamic world need not be a passive victim. With strategic foresight, solidarity, and commitment to its foundational values, it can chart a course that avoids entanglement in great power rivalries while advancing the welfare of its people.

This moment calls for new forms of leadership—visionary leaders who can convene regional economic summits, establish shared development funds, and articulate a coherent strategy for economic self-determination. The time has come for the Islamic world to recognize its collective power—not merely as a bloc of consumers or resource suppliers, but as a civilization with a distinct economic philosophy and global relevance.

In this unfolding global realignment, passivity is not an option. The trade war is real. The consequences are serious. But so too is the opportunity—to build an Islamic economic renaissance rooted in justice, resilience, and strategic independence.

Baba Yunus Muhammad is President of the Africa Islamic Economic Forum, Ghana. He is a researcher and strategic advisor on Islamic economics and geopolitical affairs. 


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ISLAMIC ECONOMY

What Will Be the Impact of U.S. Tariffs on the Global Halal Industry?

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2 months ago

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April 2, 2025

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Hafiz M. Ahmed

Picture this: You’re standing in a bustling market in Jakarta, the air thick with the scent of sizzling satay and the chatter of vendors haggling over prices. A woman next to you picks up a pack of halal beef jerky, imported from the United States, and smiles as she hands over her rupiah. Now imagine that same pack suddenly costs 25 percent more—or disappears from the shelf entirely. That’s the ripple effect of U.S. tariffs, a policy shift that’s sending shockwaves through the global halal industry. As someone who’s spent over two decades chronicling the rise of halal markets—from the slaughterhouses of Iowa to the spice bazaars of Dubai—I can tell you this isn’t just about numbers on a trade ledger. It’s about livelihoods, faith, and the food on millions of tables. With President Donald Trump’s latest tariffs hitting Canada, Mexico, and China in early 2025, and more threatened for April, the halal world is bracing for a storm. So, what does this mean for the $2 trillion industry that feeds a quarter of the planet? Let’s dig in.

The halal industry isn’t some niche corner of the global economy—it’s a powerhouse. Halal, meaning “permissible” in Arabic, governs what 1.9 billion Muslims can eat, wear, and use, according to Islamic law. It’s a system rooted in ethics: animals must be treated humanely, slaughtered with a swift cut while invoking God’s name, and free of anything forbidden, like pork or alcohol. Over my 20-plus years in this field, I’ve watched the halal food market alone balloon from a modest trade into a projected $4.6 trillion giant by 2030, driven by a young, growing Muslim population and even non-Muslims drawn to its promise of quality and cleanliness. The U.S. plays a big role here, exporting halal-certified beef, poultry, and grains to places like Indonesia, Malaysia, and the Gulf states. But now, with tariffs slapping a 25 percent tax on goods from Canada and Mexico, a 10 percent hike on Chinese imports, and whispers of broader “reciprocal” duties looming, the stakes are sky-high.

Let’s start with the basics. Tariffs are taxes the government puts on stuff coming into the country—or, in this case, going out. Trump’s latest moves, rolled out in February 2025, hit Canada and Mexico with a 25 percent tariff and China with an extra 10 percent, citing everything from border security to boosting American jobs. He’s also hinted at a big “liberation day” on April 2, where he might tax every country based on what they charge U.S. goods. The idea? Make foreign products pricier so people buy American instead. It sounds simple, but the halal industry isn’t built on simple. It’s a web of global supply chains—cows raised in Texas, processed in Canada, shipped to Saudi Arabia. Mess with one thread, and the whole thing wobbles.

Take the U.S. beef industry, a halal heavyweight. America’s the world’s second-biggest beef exporter, sending $8 billion worth overseas each year, a chunk of it halal-certified for Muslim markets. I’ve walked the kill floors of plants in Nebraska, where workers in white coats recite “Bismillah” before each cut, ensuring every steak meets Islamic standards. A lot of that beef heads to Canada for processing—think grinding into halal burgers or slicing for shawarma—before crossing oceans. Now, with a 25 percent tariff on Canadian goods coming back into the U.S. or heading elsewhere, costs are spiking. Canadian processors might pass that onto buyers in places like the United Arab Emirates, where a family’s weekly grocery bill could jump. Or they might just say, “Forget it,” and source from Brazil instead, leaving U.S. ranchers high and dry.

Then there’s Mexico, a rising star in halal poultry. Over the years, I’ve seen Mexican firms like Bachoco ramp up halal chicken production, tapping into the U.S.’s neighborly trade perks under the old NAFTA deal. They’d ship birds north for American Muslims or south to Latin America’s growing Muslim communities. That 25 percent tariff changes the math. A halal chicken breast that cost $2 might now hit $2.50, and that’s if Mexico doesn’t retaliate with its own taxes on U.S. goods—which it’s already mulling. I’ve talked to exporters in Guadalajara who say they’re scrambling to find new markets, but it’s not easy. Halal certification takes time, and not every country’s ready to pick up the slack.

China’s a different beast. The 10 percent tariff sounds lighter, but it piles onto existing duties from Trump’s first term. China’s not a halal giant—it’s more about ingredients like soy for animal feed or packaging for halal snacks. I’ve visited factories in Shandong where soybeans get crushed into meal that feeds U.S. cattle, later certified halal. That extra 10 percent could nudge up feed prices here, trickling down to your halal burger at The Halal Guys. China might shrug it off—they’ve got other buyers like Europe—but it’s one more kink in a system that thrives on smooth flow.

So, who feels the pinch? First, American farmers and processors. The U.S. halal export market employs thousands—ranchers in Texas, packers in Iowa, certifiers in New Jersey. I’ve met guys like Ahmed, a halal slaughter supervisor in Kansas, who told me his plant ships 500 tons of beef a month to Malaysia. If tariffs make that too pricey, orders drop, jobs vanish. The American Halal Council, which I’ve worked with for years, estimates the U.S. exports $5 billion in halal goods annually. A trade war could slice that in half, hitting rural towns hardest.

Overseas, Muslim consumers take a hit. In Indonesia, the world’s biggest Muslim country, halal imports from the U.S. are a lifeline—think cereals for breakfast or chicken nuggets for kids. I’ve sat with families in Jakarta who rely on affordable American brands. If prices climb 20 or 30 percent, they’ll switch to local options or competitors like Australia, which isn’t facing U.S. tariffs yet. That’s a win for Aussie farmers, sure, but it’s a loss for U.S. influence in a key market. And in the Gulf, where oil-rich shoppers love American beef, they might just turn to New Zealand instead.

The ripple doesn’t stop there. Halal isn’t just food—it’s trust. Certification bodies, like the Islamic Food and Nutrition Council of America, spend years building standards that brands lean on. I’ve watched auditors pore over supply chains, ensuring every step’s halal. Tariffs mess with that. If a U.S. supplier swaps Canadian processing for, say, Thailand to dodge costs, certifiers have to recheck everything. That takes time and money, and if they miss a beat, consumers lose faith. I’ve seen scandals—like pork-tainted halal labels in Europe—tank entire markets. Uncertainty from tariffs could spark similar chaos.

Now, let’s talk winners. Brazil’s licking its chops. I’ve toured their massive halal plants in São Paulo, where they’ve mastered the art of cheap, compliant meat. They’re already the top halal exporter, shipping $15 billion a year to the Middle East and Asia. If U.S. goods get pricier, Brazil’s ready to flood the gap. Australia’s in the game too, with its grass-fed lamb and beef, a favorite in places like Qatar. I’ve tasted their halal chops in Sydney—juicy, affordable, and tariff-free for now. These countries could snatch market share while the U.S. scrambles.

But it’s not all doom for America. Some say tariffs could force halal production stateside. Trump’s pitch is that higher costs on foreign goods will make companies build here. I’ve heard that before—in 2018, when he taxed Chinese steel, a few U.S. plants perked up. Could halal follow? Maybe. A processor in Michigan might open a new line for halal chicken, hiring local workers. But here’s the catch: building takes years, and halal’s global game moves fast. By the time that plant’s running, Brazil might own the market.

What about the little guy? Small halal businesses—think your corner butcher or the food cart slinging kebabs—feel this too. I’ve chatted with owners like Fatima in Chicago, who imports halal spices from Canada. A 25 percent tariff means she pays more or raises prices, risking customers. Big chains like Nestlé, with halal lines in Malaysia, can absorb some costs. Fatima can’t. Over decades, I’ve seen these mom-and-pop shops anchor Muslim communities. Tariffs could squeeze them out.

Then there’s the trade war wildcard. Canada’s already floating 25 percent taxes on U.S. steel and lumber. Mexico’s eyeing U.S. corn. The EU, Brazil, and South Korea might join the fray if Trump’s April tariffs hit. I’ve covered retaliatory tariffs before—China’s 2018 soybean tax crushed U.S. farmers. In halal, it’s trickier. If Malaysia slaps duties on U.S. beef, American exporters lose a $500 million market. The halal industry hates uncertainty, and this is a tornado of it.

Let’s zoom out. The halal market’s grown because it’s global—open borders, free trade, shared standards. I’ve watched it knit together over 20 years, from halal expos in Dubai to certification talks in Washington. Tariffs threaten that. Higher costs could fragment supply chains, pushing countries to go it alone. Indonesia might lean on local beef, even if it’s pricier to produce. The Gulf might double down on Brazilian imports. The U.S., once a halal leader, risks slipping to the sidelines.

Consumers aren’t powerless, though. I’ve seen boycotts—like when Danish goods tanked in Muslim countries after a 2005 cartoon scandal. If U.S. tariffs jack up prices, shoppers might shun American brands. Social media’s buzzing already—hashtags like #HalalTradeWar are popping up. In my travels, I’ve learned Muslims care about value and ethics. If the U.S. looks greedy, they’ll pivot.

So, what’s the fix? Short-term, U.S. halal firms could lobby for exemptions—Trump’s first term saw Apple dodge some tariffs. Long-term, they might diversify, sourcing from tariff-free zones like ASEAN countries. I’ve seen Malaysia’s halal hubs thrive; they could step up. Certifiers could streamline, too, keeping costs down. But the big fix is trade talks. If Trump’s serious about jobs, he’ll negotiate, not just tax. I’ve sat in on WTO meetings—cooler heads can prevail.

The halal industry’s resilient. I’ve watched it weather mad cow scares, pork scandals, and recessions. Tariffs are a gut punch, but not a knockout. American exporters might lose ground, Brazil might gain, and consumers might grumble, but halal’s core—faith and quality—holds firm. Still, the next few months are critical. April’s “liberation day” could reshape the map. As someone who’s tracked this world from slaughterhouse to supermarket, I’d bet on adaptation over collapse. But the cost? That’s on all of us.


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