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INTERNATIONAL POLITICS

The Fall of Bashar al-Assad: A Nation in Transition

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By Baba Yunus Muhammad

The overthrow of Bashar al-Assad by Syrian rebels represents a seismic shift in the Middle East, marking the end of a five-decade-long family dynasty. Like a magician’s inkblot, this dramatic turn of events has elicited diverse interpretations, with each faction projecting its own hopes, fears, and ambitions onto the evolving situation. While some view it as a new dawn for Syria, others are bracing for the immense challenges the new leadership faces in uniting the fractured nation and addressing its myriad crises.

Assad, who ruled Syria for 24 years, inherited power in 2000 following the death of his father, Hafez al-Assad, who had governed the country with an iron grip since 1971. This transition marked one of the most enduring autocracies in modern Arab history.

The Assad regime’s leadership style was characterized by centralized control, a pervasive security apparatus, and a blend of secularism and authoritarianism. While Hafez built a reputation as a cunning political strategist, Bashar, who was initially seen as a potential reformer, became known for brutal repression. His response to the 2011 Arab Spring protests, which evolved into a full-blown civil war, involved systematic violence, widespread detentions, and the use of chemical weapons, earning global condemnation.

A Dynasty Dismantled

Reports suggest that Bashar al-Assad and his family fled Damascus shortly before the regime’s collapse, seeking refuge in Russia, which has since granted him political asylum on humanitarian grounds. Speculation about betrayal within Assad’s inner circle abounds, with some attributing his downfall to disillusionment within the military ranks. The rapid disintegration of Syria’s armed forces—once considered a formidable institution—has fueled rumors of high-level defections and covert deals with the rebels.

Analysts point to decades of cronyism, corruption, and reliance on sectarian loyalty as key factors eroding the military’s cohesion. Additionally, the regime’s relentless focus on maintaining control over urban centers, while ceding vast rural territories to insurgents, may have undermined its strategic standing.

A Patchwork of Leadership and Perceptions

Steering Syria through this tumultuous transition is Mohamed al-Bashir, the newly appointed prime minister. Al-Bashir is a seasoned technocrat with roots in the moderate opposition, known for his economic expertise and measured approach to political discourse. His appointment is viewed as a pragmatic move to stabilize Syria’s shattered economy and temper the ideological fervor of the coalition that brought Assad’s regime to its knees.

Working alongside al-Bashir is Muhammad Johani, the charismatic leader of Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham (HTS). Johani’s rise from militant commander to political figurehead underscores the paradoxes of Syria’s transition. While HTS has attempted to rebrand itself as a credible governing entity, Johani’s jihadist roots continue to raise concerns both domestically and internationally.

The rebel victory, celebrated by some as a triumph over tyranny, has however drawn mixed reactions globally. Western powers and regional backers like Turkey see it as vindication of their support for opposition forces, while allies of Assad—namely Iran and Russia—are grappling with the geopolitical fallout. At the same time, the heavy involvement of HTS and similar factions has sparked fears about the direction Syria’s governance will take under their influence and aid.

The Geopolitical Chessboard

The post-Assad landscape is further complicated by ongoing Israeli airstrikes targeting Syrian strategic weapons, Iranian and Hezbollah positions in Syria. The occupation of the Golan Heights buffer zone underscores the persistent volatility in the region. Prime Minister al-Bashir faces the daunting task of addressing these external pressures while rebuilding domestic stability.

Rumors of Betrayal: The Silent Fall of the Military

One of the most perplexing aspects of Assad’s downfall was the sudden collapse of Syria’s military. Despite years of loyalty, many soldiers deserted their posts, blending into the civilian population as the regime’s defenses crumbled. This phenomenon has led to widespread speculation about behind-the-scenes negotiations and discontent within the ranks.

Critics argue that Assad’s reliance on sectarian militias and foreign fighters eroded trust among regular army units. Additionally, years of unpaid wages, inadequate resources, and morale-sapping defeats likely played a role in their disbandment.

Challenges Ahead: Uniting a Fractured Nation

Syria is a mosaic of ethnic, religious, and ideological communities, each carrying deep grievances and mistrust. The new rulers face an uphill battle in forging a national identity that transcends sectarian divides. The Sunni majority, Alawites, Kurds, Christians, and other minority groups have all suffered disproportionately during the conflict, and their inclusion in a new national framework will be pivotal to achieving lasting peace.

The jihadists’ ideological rigidity and history of intolerance pose risks to reconciliation efforts. If their governance mirrors Taliban-style authoritarianism, minority groups may resist or even seek external support, further fragmenting the country. Without deliberate efforts to engage all factions, Syria could devolve into a “state within a state,” with disparate regions governed by competing militias or autonomous administrations.

Geopolitical Complexities: The Israeli Factor

The situation is further complicated by Israel’s ongoing military actions in Syria. Israeli airstrikes, ostensibly targeting, Syrian strategic weapons, Iranian and Hezbollah assets, have intensified since Assad’s fall, adding to the instability. Additionally, the buffer zone along the Golan Heights remains under Israeli control, further undermining Syria’s territorial integrity. For the new leadership, addressing these external pressures will be a critical test of their political and diplomatic acumen.

Economic Ruin: The Burden of Rebuilding

Syria’s economy is in ruins, marked by hyperinflation, skyrocketing unemployment, and a collapse of basic infrastructure. International sanctions, internal corruption, and the systematic destruction of cities like Aleppo and Homs have left the nation on the brink of total economic collapse.

Syria’s economic collapse under Assad’s rule is among the worst in modern history. By 2023, the country’s GDP had plummeted to approximately $15 billion, down from $60 billion in 2010—a staggering 75% decline. Unemployment soared to over 50%, and the Syrian pound lost more than 90% of its value, pushing millions into poverty. Key sectors, including agriculture and oil production, have been decimated, with infrastructure losses estimated at $120 billion.

The Assad regime’s reliance on war profiteering, coupled with extensive international sanctions, exacerbated the crisis, leaving the new administration to grapple with hyperinflation, crumbling public services, and widespread food insecurity.

The rebels, now transitioning to governance, may find that managing a country is far more challenging than winning a military campaign. Key economic hurdles include:

  • Infrastructure Reconstruction: Decades of war have destroyed critical facilities, including hospitals, schools, and power plants. Rebuilding these will require significant investment, which is unlikely to come without international recognition and cooperation.
  • Currency Crisis: The Syrian pound has plummeted in value, eroding citizens’ purchasing power. Stabilizing the currency and addressing inflation will require economic expertise and external financial support.
  • Oil and Trade Revenues: Much of Syria’s oil infrastructure is damaged or under competing factions’ control. Securing revenue streams and reopening trade routes will be crucial for economic recovery.
  • Humanitarian Relief: With millions displaced internally and abroad, the new government must address urgent humanitarian needs while also creating conditions for refugees to return.

Governance Beyond the Gun

The transition from insurgency to governance is fraught with contradictions. Jihadist leaders, accustomed to wielding guns and issuing fatwas, must now grapple with the intricacies of policy-making, bureaucracy, and diplomacy. This shift demands pragmatism and flexibility, qualities often at odds with their militant ideology.

Moreover, without broad-based legitimacy, the new government risks becoming isolated internationally. If they fail to address human rights concerns or continue extremist practices, they may face diplomatic and economic isolation, akin to Afghanistan’s Taliban-led government. Conversely, if they adopt inclusive policies and open avenues for international cooperation, they might secure much-needed resources and recognition.

Conclusion

The overthrow of Bashar al-Assad represents an opportunity for Syria to chart a new course, but the path is fraught with dangers and uncertainties. The new leadership, under Mohamed al-Bashir, inherits a nation deeply scarred by war, economic collapse, and geopolitical rivalries. The incoming rulers must recognize that their success depends not on their prowess with weapons but on their ability to build bridges across Syria’s divided society, address the dire economic woes, and navigate a complex geopolitical landscape. Otherwise, the inkblot of opportunity they now hold may quickly turn into a stain if not handled with care, wisdom, and a genuine commitment to the well-being of all Syrians.

History teaches that the challenges of governance often surpass those of conflict. The world will be watching as they attempt to turn the page on a dark chapter and write a new one—however tentative and fragile—for the Syrian people, thus, bringing an end to one of the most devastating conflicts of the 21st century.

Baba Yunus Muhammad is the President of the Africa Islamic Economic Forum, Ghana


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The War in DRC Explained

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Fighting between the DRC’s armed forces and the M23 rebel group has reached new levels of intensity in the eastern part of the country, with claims and counter-claims about which one controls the region’s biggest city, Goma. Judith Verweijen and Michel Thill argue that the government in Kinshasa has made some poor strategic decisions about the country’s armed forces, among them steps taken three years ago to create a reserve army out of more than 100 armed groups. They set out why it was always doomed to fail.

After nearly three decades of warfare, armed conflict in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has only intensified. The Rwanda-backed M23 rebellion – which claims to control the main eastern DRC city of Goma since January 26 – has been at the centre of attention in recent years. However, eastern DRC is home to more than 100 other armed groups, which are a major source of instability too. The question of their demobilisation has haunted the country ever since the end of the Second Congo War in 2003.

A new chapter in this long-standing conundrum started in 2022 when the government decided to form an alliance with armed groups to fight their common enemy, the M23 and its Rwandan backers. At around the same time, it launched an initiative to create an army reserve, known as the Reserve armée de la défense (RAD). This formalised the Congolese army’s established practice of using armed groups as auxiliaries.

The creation of the reserve army – which remains on paper at this stage – allows the government to reward armed group allies with integration while bringing them under institutionalised control. But will it actually work? Our past and ongoing research on army integration and demobilisation in eastern DRC casts doubt on the plan, for three reasons. The first risk is that armed groups will boost their numbers to gain a stronger bargaining position once integration does occur. This is already happening in anticipation with numerous armed groups stepping up their recruitment. Secondly, reservist forces may compete with the army over territorial control and limited resources and turn against those who created them. Finally, merely absorbing armed groups into a reserve force does little to address the long-standing grievances that underlie conflict in the east.

The Wazalendo: Eastern DRC’s Predatory Patriots

On 9 May 2022, in a secretive meeting in the town of Pinga in North Kivu, the Congolese armed forces and several Congolese armed groups agreed to cease hostilities against each other and instead form an alliance to fight their common enemy, the M23.

As a result, these groups became quasi-official and increasingly presented themselves as defenders of Congo’s territorial integrity. They started to call themselves Wazalendo or patriots in Kiswahili. Fuelled by President Félix Tshisekedi’s supportive rhetoric, the Wazalendo became symbols of Congolese resistance against foreign aggression. This benefited the president’s 2023 electoral campaign. Across North and South Kivu provinces, armed groups have rebranded themselves Wazalendo, even when not part of the coalition fighting the M23.

As the Congolese army’s attention is on the M23, these armed groups have benefited from the lull in operations against them. Most Wazalendo groups are allowed to roam around freely and have dramatically expanded their zones of influence and violent systems of revenue generation. This includes taxation at markets and rapidly proliferating roadblocks, but also ransom kidnappings and contract killings. There is also evidence that Wazalendo groups are engaged in torture, sexual violence and arbitrary arrests, and frequently recruit child soldiers.

Chequered history of integration

A few months after the Pinga meeting, Congo’s government launched a new national defence policy that mentioned the establishment of the reserve army. Though it was passed unanimously in parliament in April 2023, MPs voiced concerns that the new army reserve risked repeating mistakes of the past.

The army is itself the product of the painstaking integration of former belligerents after the Second Congo War (1998-2003). But rebel-military integration became an open-ended process. Armed group officers alternately integrated into and deserted from the army in the hope of gaining higher ranks and positions in a next round of integration. Unending rebel integration also weakened the national army. It reinforced parallel command chains, facilitated intelligence leaks and created a lopsided hierarchy. The first iteration of the M23 rebellion in 2012 was the result of rebel integration gone wrong. In its aftermath, the Congolese government banned the wholesale negotiated integration of armed groups into the army.

Hurdles to integration

The reserve army risks unleashing the same dynamics of rewarding rebellion by doling out positions to armed group leaders and granting them impunity for past violence. In April 2024, the leaders of many Wazalendo groups were flown to Kinshasa where the army reserve leadership told them to start preparing lists of their combatants ahead of their integration.

This has prompted numerous armed groups to step up recruitment. The prospect of integration has also triggered fierce competition for positions between Wazalendo commanders. This risks worsening animosities between groups. Other hurdles, some of which have been faced before, include:

Unity of command. Forcing smaller armed groups into a hierarchical mould doesn’t always work. Most have deep local roots, with their recruitment and influence limited to a relatively small area. Used to calling the shots in their home areas, these commanders tend to be reluctant to take orders from higher-placed outsiders.

Ethnic competition. Armed groups may resist full integration if they feel their rank and positions in the reserve army will be lower and that this will hamper their ability to protect members of their ethnic community. Such “local security dilemmas” have obstructed army integration and demobilisation efforts in the past.

Resources. Armed groups currently enjoy substantial income, and considerable freedom in obtaining it. Will the reserve army command allow its members to engage in illegal taxation, kidnapping for ransom, robbery and ambushes? If not, how will it compensate for their lost opportunities? In addition, the reserve army is likely to compete with the army over revenue-generating opportunities. And some of its members may leak intelligence to fellow armed groups.

Painkiller or cure?

The army reserve may be read as the latest attempt at solving the decades-old problem of getting rid of the many armed groups in eastern DRC, this time by bringing them into the fold of the state yet not into the army.

However, this solution does risk unleashing many of the same detrimental dynamics as army integration. It may fuel armed mobilisation and militarisation rather than contain it. Wazalendo groups are currently in a comfortable position and there are no repercussions for not integrating the reserve force. To contain them, both the DRC’s army and the military justice system would need to be professionalised.

Even if the reserve army did not have negative ripple effects, it would be an unlikely cure for armed mobilisation. That requires comprehensive, bottom-up peace efforts that tackle deep-seated grievances related to past violence and conflict over belonging, territory and local authority. Barring such efforts, the reserve force will remain a painkiller at best.

Judith Verweijen is an Assistant professor, Utrecht University and Michel Thill is Senior Program Officer, University of Basel

Courtesy: The Conversation


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Mozambique’s Cycles of Violence won’t End until Frelimo’s Grip on Power is Broken

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Mozambique’s political history has been defined by violence, authoritarianism and disputed elections – patterns that persist in the wake of the 2024 polls. Mass protests, fuelled by allegations of electoral fraud, and police violence have highlighted the country’s fragility. Researcher Manuel Francisco Sambo explains why Mozambique is trapped in a cycle of instability and what must be done to break it.Mozambique’s political history has been marred by violence, disputed elections and authoritarian control. The pattern continues. As the 2024 elections have shown, Mozambique remains trapped in a cycle of violence and instability. Mass protests due to widespread allegations of electoral fraud and police violence led to the deaths of dozens of people and widescale destruction.

My research on peace and security in east and southern Africa has focused on Mozambique’s post-independence political history. Based on my work, I argue that Mozambique is at an impasse. It is unable to fully embrace authoritarianism – or to build a functioning democracy.

One obstacle to full authoritarian rule is social media. It has reduced the state’s grip on what information is shared, who shares it and what voices are heard. The government has lost the ability to silence critics and dictate what it wants the country to believe.

To appease the international community Mozambique has maintained a democratic posture. But the country hasn’t been able to build a strong democratic state. It’s prevented by the entrenched power of the political, economic and military elites through Frelimo (Mozambique Liberation Front), the ruling party. Frelimo has dominated since the country’s independence in 1975. The result is cycles of violence and political instability.

These cycles will continue unless Mozambique undertakes sweeping economic and political reforms. These would need to include the decentralization of power, dismantling the Frelimo-linked patronage networks that control the economy, establishment of an independent judiciary, and fairer political competition.  It is unclear whether the newly inaugurated President Daniel Chapo will dare to ignite these reforms.

Why authoritarianism hasn’t worked

For much of its post-independence history, Mozambique was governed by an authoritarian regime under the single rule of Frelimo. Frelimo came to power in 1975 after leading the struggle for independence from Portuguese colonial rule.

In the 1990s, the country adopted multiparty democracy and a new constitution. The constitution established universal suffrage and periodic elections for the presidency and legislature. It also guaranteed fundamental rights and freedoms, including the right to life and protection from torture.

But Frelimo maintained its hold on power. The party did this through political repression, manipulation of electoral processes and patronage systems. The political landscape has changed in the last decade, however. It’s more difficult for the state to maintain – or expand – its authoritarian grip. Authoritarian regimes control opposition and dissent, but the state’s capacity to do this is diminishing. Social media and digital communication tools have made it difficult to suppress ideas. Historically the government relied on state-controlled media to control the narrative and censor opposing views. Smartphones and social media platforms have revolutionised the way information circulates. For instance, news about election irregularities, corruption and violence spreads fast. It often outpaces state censorship.

The ongoing protests after the 2024 elections are a testament to this. While the government has deployed forces to quell dissent, the scale of the protests and the speed at which they spread demonstrate the power of social media. Mozambicans have a platform to build alternative narratives, mobilise and resist.

Retaining international support

Another factor constraining the state has been the need to retain international support. This means maintaining the outward appearance of a democratic system. Mozambique’s economy is highly dependent on external assistance, particularly from western countries and international financial institutions.

Government officials are aware that they could lose foreign aid and investment if the democratic process is abandoned. This would deepen the country’s economic crisis and Frelimo’s challenges.

The withdrawal of aid in 2016 following the hidden debt scandal is evidence of donors’ leverage over Mozambique. Three Mozambican state-owned companies took loans from western donors for national projects that never materialised. As a result of aid suspension, Mozambique was forced to arrest prominent individuals. They included the former head of the secret services and the son of former president Armando Guebuza.

Democracy still a pipe dream

Frelimo’s widespread control has made it resistant to meaningful political change. A genuine democracy would require dismantling these entrenched structures of power. Frelimo has protected the political and economic elites who benefit from its dominance. The party has kept its grip on power through a combination of patronage networks, corruption and control over key sectors of the economy. These elites include business people, military leaders and government officials. All are deeply invested in maintaining the status quo.

A genuine democracy, in which opposition parties could freely compete and challenge Frelimo’s monopoly on power, would threaten their interests. The party has shown time and again that it is willing to manipulate the electoral process, use violence and stifle opposition to maintain its hold on power. Elections are held regularly. Seven general elections have been held since the inception of multiparty democracy constitution. But they often lack transparency and fairness.

What needs to be done

Reforms are needed to break up patronage networks and redistribute power and resources. Frelimo’s leadership has shown little interest in doing this. It would jeopardise their control over state resources and the wealth they’ve accumulated over decades. Mozambique’s political economy further complicates the prospects for democracy. Frelimo-linked elites dominate key sectors, such as natural gas, mining and agriculture, and benefit from favourable policies, state contracts and access to state-owned enterprises. These economic interests are deeply intertwined with the party’s political power. It’s unlikely, therefore, that the elite will willingly relinquish control.

Manuel Francisco Sambo is a PhD candidate, at the Doshisha University

Courtesy: The Conversation


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Reconstructing a Shattered Nation: Ghana’s Path Forward

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Ghana, often celebrated as a beacon of democracy in Africa, has once again showcased its commitment to democratic principles through free and fair elections. The opposition National Democratic Congress (NDC), led by John Mahama, secured a decisive victory in the 2024 presidential and parliamentary elections. This shift in political power reflects growing public dissatisfaction with the ruling New Patriotic Party (NPP). As Mahama assumes office as the president of the republic of Ghana on January 7, 2025, he inherits a nation in crisis. Baba Yunus Muhammad explores the factors behind the NPP’s defeat, the current state of Ghana, and the formidable challenges and opportunities that lie ahead for the incoming administration, incorporating perspectives on environment and climate resilience.

The NPP’s Fall from Grace

The NPP’s electoral defeat is rooted in economic mismanagement, unfulfilled promises, and a growing disconnect with the populace. Ghana’s economy, once a model for regional stability, has faced severe challenges, including soaring debt, inflation, and unemployment.

Economic Missteps

Under President Nana Akufo-Addo, Ghana’s debt-to-GDP ratio reached an alarming 82.9% (IMF) by the end of 2024, driven by extensive external borrowing to fund infrastructure projects. Coupled with the global economic slowdown and decreased demand for key exports like cocoa, gold, and oil, the economy struggled to regain momentum. Inflation escalated from 10.4% in 2021 to over 38% in 2024, severely eroding purchasing power. Unemployment reached 13%, with youth unemployment exceeding 20%. These statistics highlight the deteriorating living standards for millions of Ghanaians.

The NPP’s reliance on IMF-prescribed austerity measures, including salary freezes, tax hikes, and subsidy cuts, further alienated the working and middle classes. The perceived prioritization of urban centers over rural communities compounded this disenchantment, especially in the underserved northern regions.

Political Missteps

Corruption scandals and accusations of nepotism plagued the NPP’s tenure. Mismanagement in the energy sector and opaque procurement deals eroded public trust. Additionally, the party’s inability to fulfill promises—such as creating one million jobs and improving education and healthcare—undermined its credibility. This dissatisfaction fueled the NDC’s campaign, which resonated with marginalized groups seeking change.

Ghana’s Current State: A Nation in Crisis

Economic Challenges

Ghana’s cedi depreciated by over 50% against the US dollar in three years, driving up import costs and inflation. Servicing public debt consumes over 60% of government revenue, leaving little for essential social investment. The rising cost of living has reversed years of progress in poverty reduction, leaving millions vulnerable.

Environmental Vulnerabilities

Climate change exacerbates Ghana’s challenges. Rising temperatures, deforestation, and erratic rainfall are disrupting agriculture and increasing food insecurity. Coastal erosion and flooding threaten communities and infrastructure, emphasizing the need for urgent climate adaptation and resilience measures.

Political and Social Polarization

The closely contested elections underscore deep divisions within the electorate. While Mahama’s victory signals a demand for change, it also highlights the need for reconciliation and unity. Institutional reforms—especially in electoral transparency and anti-corruption measures—are imperative for restoring trust in governance.

The Task Ahead for John Mahama

Mr. Mahama faces an uphill battle in stabilizing Ghana’s economy, fostering political reconciliation, and rebuilding public trust. As Ghanaians anticipate the new government, they are eagerly awaiting a clear stance on zero tolerance to corruption. It is crucial for the Mahama administration to demonstrate its commitment to rooting out corruption at all levels of government. This could mean not only actively recovering looted public funds but also ensuring that former government officials found guilty of corruption or abuse of office are held accountable. These officials must face legal consequences to reassure citizens that integrity will define the new government’s leadership.

This stance on corruption is essential for rebuilding trust with the people, ensuring that transparency and accountability are at the core of governance. If Mahama’s administration takes bold steps to uphold these principles, it would mark a crucial turning point in Ghana’s fight against corruption. Holding wrongdoers accountable, recovering stolen assets, and implementing new anti-corruption measures could restore public faith and signal a new dawn for effective and ethical governance. Achieving these goals requires inclusive governance and innovative solutions.

Economic Recovery: Balancing Growth and Sustainability

To restore economic stability, the Mahama administration must prioritize sustainable development:

  1. Diversifying the Economy: Investments in agro-processing, renewable energy, and manufacturing can reduce dependence on traditional exports and create jobs.
  2. Enhancing Revenue Collection: Strengthening tax systems and closing loopholes can increase government revenue without undue burden on citizens.
  3. Promoting Fiscal Discipline: Conducting comprehensive audits of government spending can identify inefficiencies and reduce waste.
  4. Green Transition: Climate adaptation and renewable energy initiatives can position Ghana as a leader in Africa’s green economy, ensuring long-term resilience and sustainability.

Environmental Sustainability as a Cornerstone

Addressing climate change must be a central pillar of Ghana’s recovery. As one of the nations most vulnerable to climate impacts, Ghana should:

  • Implement reforestation programs to combat deforestation.
  • Invest in clean energy solutions, such as solar and wind, to reduce reliance on fossil fuels.
  • Promote sustainable agricultural practices to boost productivity while conserving resources.
  • Strengthen disaster preparedness systems to protect communities from flooding and other climate-related threats.

Political Reconciliation and Institutional Reform

In a polarized political environment, fostering unity is paramount. Mahama’s administration should focus on:

  1. Electoral Transparency: Enhancing the independence and capacity of the Electoral Commission.
  2. Anti-Corruption Measures: Establishing independent agencies to investigate corruption, regardless of political affiliation.
  3. Decentralization: Empowering local governments to address regional disparities and bring governance closer to the people.

Strengthening Social Infrastructure

Addressing the immediate needs of Ghanaians requires significant investments in education, healthcare, and housing:

  • Universal Healthcare: Expanding the National Health Insurance Scheme to ensure comprehensive coverage.
  • Educational Reforms: Emphasizing vocational training and STEM education to equip the youth for emerging industries.
  • Affordable Housing: Partnering with private investors to reduce the housing deficit.

Lessons from the Past: Rethinking External Dependence

Ghana’s reliance on IMF-led programs often exacerbates inequality and undermines sovereignty. For instance, the 2014 IMF bailout program required Ghana to implement austerity measures such as subsidy removals and public sector wage freezes, which disproportionately impacted the poor and stoked public dissent. To avoid repeating past mistakes, the Mahama administration should:

  • Develop Homegrown Policies: Leverage Ghana’s resources and potential to craft context-specific solutions.
  • Engage Regional Partners: Strengthen trade and collaboration within ECOWAS to build a resilient economic bloc.
  • Pursue Diverse Partnerships: Balance relationships with development partners, including China and the European Union, to maintain strategic autonomy.

A New Path Forward

Ghana stands at a critical juncture. The electorate’s demand for change reflects widespread yearning for economic relief and governance reforms. Mahama’s leadership will define Ghana’s trajectory in the years to come. By prioritizing sustainability, inclusivity, and innovation, Ghana can rebuild itself as a beacon of resilience and progress on the African continent. The road ahead is fraught with challenges, but with decisive action and visionary policies, Mahama’s administration has the potential to restore hope and create lasting prosperity for all Ghanaians


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