INTERNATIONAL POLITICS
Sisi-Modi Meeting and the celebration of the June 30 revolution in Egypt
Published
2 years agoon
By
Editor
By Dr.Nadia Helmy
The importance of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to Cairo comes at a very important and sensitive time in Egyptian history, coinciding with the start of popular celebrations for the success of the June 30 revolution in Egypt, and the beginning of a new phase in Egyptian foreign policy after the overthrow of the rule of the Muslim Brotherhood during the popular June 30 revolution in Egypt, then President “Abdel Fattah El-Sisi” took over the reins of power in the country, and within the framework of India’s endeavor to consolidate aspects of cooperation with Cairo and President “El-Sisi”, inaugurating a new era of friendship between the two sides after getting rid of the rule of the terrorist Brotherhood, with the launch of a joint effort between Cairo and New Delhi. During the era of President El-Sisi, represented in adopting the anti-terrorism agenda, which became one of the main goals of Egyptian foreign policy during the era of “El-Sisi” in the post-June 30 revolution. The Egyptian vision is compatible with the Indian side and the international community in the need to get rid of the dominance of terrorist extremist groups, foremost of which is the banned terrorist Brotherhood. President El-Sisi presented an integrated vision for combating terrorism at the international level in all his speeches and international meetings, by stressing that the necessary condition that provides an incubating environment for these terrorist organizations is the disintegration and destabilization of state institutions, and that filling the vacuum in which the terrorism of the banned terrorist group grows and spreads, it entails exerting efforts to restore and strengthen the unity, independence and efficiency of state institutions, which is what New Delhi and Cairo are compatible with. Hence the agreement of Egypt and India to “enhance cooperation in the security field to confront terrorism and violence, and to give impetus to more coordination in the security field”, and their joint assertion that “there is no development without security stability”. Hence the Egyptian-Indian cooperation in getting rid of the danger of these extremist organizations and restricting the movement of the terrorist Brotherhood group in Egypt, the region and the world, through India’s participation with the Egyptian side in (the second meeting of the joint working group between Egypt and India to combat international terrorism) in January 2018, with a full Egyptian-Indian understanding of all the terrorist dangers that the two countries are exposed to, as part of their efforts to combat terrorist organizations that threaten international security and stability, foremost of which is the danger of the terrorist organization of the banned Brotherhood.
A joint Egyptian-Indian vision was developed to combat extremism and terrorism, represented by the Indian and Egyptian countries’ rejection of the spread of terrorism around the world, foremost of which is the banned Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt and India alike, as well as the agreement of the two parties to zero tolerance for terrorism and all those who encourage and support it. They finance it or provide it with safe havens, while promoting the values of peace, tolerance and inclusiveness, and making concerted efforts to combat terrorism and its ideologies. Finally, it was agreed between the Indian and Egyptian parties that India support Egypt in the fight against terrorism by strengthening interaction between the National Security Councils in Egypt and India, to stop the danger of spreading those banned extremist terrorist organizations such as the Muslim Brotherhood, with their extensions, entanglements and international relations in Egypt and the region, all the way to the borders and inside India, to spread chaos and turmoil in India, Egypt and around the world.
For this, India encourages all Egyptian efforts in combating the terrorism of the banned Brotherhood and other such extremist organizations, with the Indian emphasis on the pivotal and decisive Egyptian role in combating and defeating the threat of terrorism, which casts a shadow of security and stability in Egypt and on regional and global security as a whole. There is a common Egyptian-Indian vision regarding efforts to combat terrorism and extremist ideology, in light of the real threat that this phenomenon represents to efforts to achieve development in the region and the world, which came with the assurance of President “El-Sisi” to his Indian counterpart “Modi” and all Indian officials over the course of previous meetings. It is necessary for Egypt and India to join forces with the international community to block this scourge at all levels, while appreciating the Indian side for the comprehensive approach that Egypt followed during the era of President “El-Sisi” in the war on terrorism, on top of which is the terrorism of the banned terrorist group of the Muslim Brotherhood, by addressing the roots of the problem, by supporting economic and social development and combating extremist ideology that leads to terrorism, while making sure to spread a culture of tolerance and coexistence between religions and different cultures, which is the same vision adopted by India, its leaders and officials.
Here, India is reassured by those relentless and careful Egyptian steps in combating terrorism and getting rid of the danger of the banned Brotherhood, with its implications for achieving economic stability in Egypt. Therefore, the Indian desire to enhance its investments in Cairo comes directly after the success of the June 30 revolution in Egypt in 2013. Believing on the Indian side that the situation in Egypt has become more stable after getting rid of the threat of terrorists. Here, President El-Sisi considers New Delhi as one of the most important emerging and developing economies in the world, and hence the importance of the steps taken by Egypt to increase rapprochement and cooperation with it. Especially with Indian Prime Minister Modi’s praise of the successful development experience that Egypt is currently witnessing under the leadership of President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi in all fields and the major national projects being implemented, with the Indian assertion of their keenness to support Egypt’s development efforts and support it in all fields through the exchange of Experience and joint investment between the two countries. Indian investments currently have a great opportunity to be present in the Egyptian market to benefit from the modern infrastructure in Egypt and to gain access to African and emerging markets, especially in light of the free trade agreements that bring Egypt together with various regional economic blocs, with the popular welcome in Egypt to cooperate with India and increase its investments and business activities in Cairo.
At a time when India looks at Egypt as a beacon of balance for the Middle East region, especially after the success of the June 30 revolution in Egypt and getting rid of the threat of terrorists, given that Cairo has a pivotal and necessary role for India in the international and regional systems that is appreciated by the international community. India also looks at its relations with Egypt, considering that the challenges facing developing countries make the option of partnership and cooperation the most beneficial option before it with major developing countries, such as: China and India, as it is one of the most important models of constructive cooperation between the countries of the South. The importance of Cairo for New Delhi comes in view of their reliance on a common history with regard to the struggle for national liberation, and there was a tangible impact of the partnership between the late leaders “Gamal Abdel Nasser” and “Jawaharlal Nehru” in establishing the Non-Aligned Movement, and in efforts to reformulate and shape the foundations of the world order in a manner More justice that protects the interests of developing countries and meets the aspirations of their people for a better future. While the revolutionary leader in Egypt, “Saad Zaghloul”, led the campaign of civil disobedience in Egypt against the British occupier, and played a major role in the Egyptian revolution in 1919, which eventually resulted in Britain’s unilateral declaration of Egypt’s independence in February 1922, “Mahatma Gandhi” took over On the other side, the nationalist thought opposed to British colonialism, in the Indian National Congress in 1921, using the weapon of non-violent resistance, which resulted in that successful campaign that led to India’s independence from British rule in August 1947. Here, international observers view India as the next engine of global economic growth after China, and believe that at some point it will surpass Japan to become the third largest economy in the world, to compete with America and China, which occupy the first and second economic positions. Here, India can benefit from Egyptian natural gas in the next stage, which helps in greatly developing political and economic relations at this stage. The cooperation, convergence, influence and leverage between Cairo and New Delhi has become multiple and divergent, in addition to the political and economic aspects. It has expanded in the recent period during the era of President “El-Sisi” to other fields and sectors such as tourism and culture. Then the phenomenon of climate change came to be a new arena for cooperation between Cairo and New Delhi. It was expressed in several joint meetings between the two parties. India is based on Egypt’s vision and the priorities of the agenda of the International Climate Conference “COP 27” in Sharm El-Sheikh, with the joint Egyptian-Indian emphasis on the importance of advancing collective action on the climate agenda and transforming commitments into actual implementation on the ground. Egypt and India are also partners in the International Solar Alliance, and they are global role models for action against climate change.
Accordingly, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to Cairo and his meeting with his Egyptian counterpart, President “Abdel Fattah El-Sisi”, comes within the framework of India’s endeavor to establish a new phase of cooperation and joint construction that is based on a basis of dialogue, understanding and exchange between India and Egypt, at the same time In which Egypt is keen to open up to the world and extend its hand to cooperate with major developing countries such as China, India, Brazil, South Africa, and others in a way that achieves common interest and enhances world peace. This would also strengthen the strategy of Egyptian foreign orientations towards the countries of the East in the current period, especially since the crises The current international situation has proven the importance of establishing and building a new global economic strategy base, as the unipolar era has ended, and the global economic situation has changed significantly. Hence, Egyptian President “El-Sisi“ realizes that “economic pluralism in the world” has become desired and its steps are very tangible, at a time when the inflation crises overwhelmed and greatly affected the global economic system. The approach of the Egyptian state has become to balance its political and economic relations with all countries, achieve benefit for the Egyptian citizen and people, and reduce the pressure on the dollar reserve significantly, through a new approach in the economic policy of the Egyptian state represented in opening new horizons and economic and investment partnerships with the emerging developing global change, which is headed by China, India and other powers around the world.
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Fighting between the DRC’s armed forces and the M23 rebel group has reached new levels of intensity in the eastern part of the country, with claims and counter-claims about which one controls the region’s biggest city, Goma. Judith Verweijen and Michel Thill argue that the government in Kinshasa has made some poor strategic decisions about the country’s armed forces, among them steps taken three years ago to create a reserve army out of more than 100 armed groups. They set out why it was always doomed to fail.
After nearly three decades of warfare, armed conflict in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has only intensified. The Rwanda-backed M23 rebellion – which claims to control the main eastern DRC city of Goma since January 26 – has been at the centre of attention in recent years. However, eastern DRC is home to more than 100 other armed groups, which are a major source of instability too. The question of their demobilisation has haunted the country ever since the end of the Second Congo War in 2003.
A new chapter in this long-standing conundrum started in 2022 when the government decided to form an alliance with armed groups to fight their common enemy, the M23 and its Rwandan backers. At around the same time, it launched an initiative to create an army reserve, known as the Reserve armée de la défense (RAD). This formalised the Congolese army’s established practice of using armed groups as auxiliaries.
The creation of the reserve army – which remains on paper at this stage – allows the government to reward armed group allies with integration while bringing them under institutionalised control. But will it actually work? Our past and ongoing research on army integration and demobilisation in eastern DRC casts doubt on the plan, for three reasons. The first risk is that armed groups will boost their numbers to gain a stronger bargaining position once integration does occur. This is already happening in anticipation with numerous armed groups stepping up their recruitment. Secondly, reservist forces may compete with the army over territorial control and limited resources and turn against those who created them. Finally, merely absorbing armed groups into a reserve force does little to address the long-standing grievances that underlie conflict in the east.
The Wazalendo: Eastern DRC’s Predatory Patriots
On 9 May 2022, in a secretive meeting in the town of Pinga in North Kivu, the Congolese armed forces and several Congolese armed groups agreed to cease hostilities against each other and instead form an alliance to fight their common enemy, the M23.
As a result, these groups became quasi-official and increasingly presented themselves as defenders of Congo’s territorial integrity. They started to call themselves Wazalendo or patriots in Kiswahili. Fuelled by President Félix Tshisekedi’s supportive rhetoric, the Wazalendo became symbols of Congolese resistance against foreign aggression. This benefited the president’s 2023 electoral campaign. Across North and South Kivu provinces, armed groups have rebranded themselves Wazalendo, even when not part of the coalition fighting the M23.
As the Congolese army’s attention is on the M23, these armed groups have benefited from the lull in operations against them. Most Wazalendo groups are allowed to roam around freely and have dramatically expanded their zones of influence and violent systems of revenue generation. This includes taxation at markets and rapidly proliferating roadblocks, but also ransom kidnappings and contract killings. There is also evidence that Wazalendo groups are engaged in torture, sexual violence and arbitrary arrests, and frequently recruit child soldiers.
Chequered history of integration
A few months after the Pinga meeting, Congo’s government launched a new national defence policy that mentioned the establishment of the reserve army. Though it was passed unanimously in parliament in April 2023, MPs voiced concerns that the new army reserve risked repeating mistakes of the past.
The army is itself the product of the painstaking integration of former belligerents after the Second Congo War (1998-2003). But rebel-military integration became an open-ended process. Armed group officers alternately integrated into and deserted from the army in the hope of gaining higher ranks and positions in a next round of integration. Unending rebel integration also weakened the national army. It reinforced parallel command chains, facilitated intelligence leaks and created a lopsided hierarchy. The first iteration of the M23 rebellion in 2012 was the result of rebel integration gone wrong. In its aftermath, the Congolese government banned the wholesale negotiated integration of armed groups into the army.
Hurdles to integration
The reserve army risks unleashing the same dynamics of rewarding rebellion by doling out positions to armed group leaders and granting them impunity for past violence. In April 2024, the leaders of many Wazalendo groups were flown to Kinshasa where the army reserve leadership told them to start preparing lists of their combatants ahead of their integration.
This has prompted numerous armed groups to step up recruitment. The prospect of integration has also triggered fierce competition for positions between Wazalendo commanders. This risks worsening animosities between groups. Other hurdles, some of which have been faced before, include:
Unity of command. Forcing smaller armed groups into a hierarchical mould doesn’t always work. Most have deep local roots, with their recruitment and influence limited to a relatively small area. Used to calling the shots in their home areas, these commanders tend to be reluctant to take orders from higher-placed outsiders.
Ethnic competition. Armed groups may resist full integration if they feel their rank and positions in the reserve army will be lower and that this will hamper their ability to protect members of their ethnic community. Such “local security dilemmas” have obstructed army integration and demobilisation efforts in the past.
Resources. Armed groups currently enjoy substantial income, and considerable freedom in obtaining it. Will the reserve army command allow its members to engage in illegal taxation, kidnapping for ransom, robbery and ambushes? If not, how will it compensate for their lost opportunities? In addition, the reserve army is likely to compete with the army over revenue-generating opportunities. And some of its members may leak intelligence to fellow armed groups.
Painkiller or cure?
The army reserve may be read as the latest attempt at solving the decades-old problem of getting rid of the many armed groups in eastern DRC, this time by bringing them into the fold of the state yet not into the army.
However, this solution does risk unleashing many of the same detrimental dynamics as army integration. It may fuel armed mobilisation and militarisation rather than contain it. Wazalendo groups are currently in a comfortable position and there are no repercussions for not integrating the reserve force. To contain them, both the DRC’s army and the military justice system would need to be professionalised.
Even if the reserve army did not have negative ripple effects, it would be an unlikely cure for armed mobilisation. That requires comprehensive, bottom-up peace efforts that tackle deep-seated grievances related to past violence and conflict over belonging, territory and local authority. Barring such efforts, the reserve force will remain a painkiller at best.
Judith Verweijen is an Assistant professor, Utrecht University and Michel Thill is Senior Program Officer, University of Basel
Courtesy: The Conversation
INTERNATIONAL POLITICS
Mozambique’s Cycles of Violence won’t End until Frelimo’s Grip on Power is Broken
Published
3 weeks agoon
January 23, 2025By
Editor
Mozambique’s political history has been defined by violence, authoritarianism and disputed elections – patterns that persist in the wake of the 2024 polls. Mass protests, fuelled by allegations of electoral fraud, and police violence have highlighted the country’s fragility. Researcher Manuel Francisco Sambo explains why Mozambique is trapped in a cycle of instability and what must be done to break it.Mozambique’s political history has been marred by violence, disputed elections and authoritarian control. The pattern continues. As the 2024 elections have shown, Mozambique remains trapped in a cycle of violence and instability. Mass protests due to widespread allegations of electoral fraud and police violence led to the deaths of dozens of people and widescale destruction.
My research on peace and security in east and southern Africa has focused on Mozambique’s post-independence political history. Based on my work, I argue that Mozambique is at an impasse. It is unable to fully embrace authoritarianism – or to build a functioning democracy.
One obstacle to full authoritarian rule is social media. It has reduced the state’s grip on what information is shared, who shares it and what voices are heard. The government has lost the ability to silence critics and dictate what it wants the country to believe.
To appease the international community Mozambique has maintained a democratic posture. But the country hasn’t been able to build a strong democratic state. It’s prevented by the entrenched power of the political, economic and military elites through Frelimo (Mozambique Liberation Front), the ruling party. Frelimo has dominated since the country’s independence in 1975. The result is cycles of violence and political instability.
These cycles will continue unless Mozambique undertakes sweeping economic and political reforms. These would need to include the decentralization of power, dismantling the Frelimo-linked patronage networks that control the economy, establishment of an independent judiciary, and fairer political competition. It is unclear whether the newly inaugurated President Daniel Chapo will dare to ignite these reforms.
Why authoritarianism hasn’t worked
For much of its post-independence history, Mozambique was governed by an authoritarian regime under the single rule of Frelimo. Frelimo came to power in 1975 after leading the struggle for independence from Portuguese colonial rule.
In the 1990s, the country adopted multiparty democracy and a new constitution. The constitution established universal suffrage and periodic elections for the presidency and legislature. It also guaranteed fundamental rights and freedoms, including the right to life and protection from torture.
But Frelimo maintained its hold on power. The party did this through political repression, manipulation of electoral processes and patronage systems. The political landscape has changed in the last decade, however. It’s more difficult for the state to maintain – or expand – its authoritarian grip. Authoritarian regimes control opposition and dissent, but the state’s capacity to do this is diminishing. Social media and digital communication tools have made it difficult to suppress ideas. Historically the government relied on state-controlled media to control the narrative and censor opposing views. Smartphones and social media platforms have revolutionised the way information circulates. For instance, news about election irregularities, corruption and violence spreads fast. It often outpaces state censorship.
The ongoing protests after the 2024 elections are a testament to this. While the government has deployed forces to quell dissent, the scale of the protests and the speed at which they spread demonstrate the power of social media. Mozambicans have a platform to build alternative narratives, mobilise and resist.
Retaining international support
Another factor constraining the state has been the need to retain international support. This means maintaining the outward appearance of a democratic system. Mozambique’s economy is highly dependent on external assistance, particularly from western countries and international financial institutions.
Government officials are aware that they could lose foreign aid and investment if the democratic process is abandoned. This would deepen the country’s economic crisis and Frelimo’s challenges.
The withdrawal of aid in 2016 following the hidden debt scandal is evidence of donors’ leverage over Mozambique. Three Mozambican state-owned companies took loans from western donors for national projects that never materialised. As a result of aid suspension, Mozambique was forced to arrest prominent individuals. They included the former head of the secret services and the son of former president Armando Guebuza.
Democracy still a pipe dream
Frelimo’s widespread control has made it resistant to meaningful political change. A genuine democracy would require dismantling these entrenched structures of power. Frelimo has protected the political and economic elites who benefit from its dominance. The party has kept its grip on power through a combination of patronage networks, corruption and control over key sectors of the economy. These elites include business people, military leaders and government officials. All are deeply invested in maintaining the status quo.
A genuine democracy, in which opposition parties could freely compete and challenge Frelimo’s monopoly on power, would threaten their interests. The party has shown time and again that it is willing to manipulate the electoral process, use violence and stifle opposition to maintain its hold on power. Elections are held regularly. Seven general elections have been held since the inception of multiparty democracy constitution. But they often lack transparency and fairness.
What needs to be done
Reforms are needed to break up patronage networks and redistribute power and resources. Frelimo’s leadership has shown little interest in doing this. It would jeopardise their control over state resources and the wealth they’ve accumulated over decades. Mozambique’s political economy further complicates the prospects for democracy. Frelimo-linked elites dominate key sectors, such as natural gas, mining and agriculture, and benefit from favourable policies, state contracts and access to state-owned enterprises. These economic interests are deeply intertwined with the party’s political power. It’s unlikely, therefore, that the elite will willingly relinquish control.
Manuel Francisco Sambo is a PhD candidate, at the Doshisha University
Courtesy: The Conversation
INTERNATIONAL POLITICS
Reconstructing a Shattered Nation: Ghana’s Path Forward
Published
1 month agoon
January 6, 2025By
Editor
Ghana, often celebrated as a beacon of democracy in Africa, has once again showcased its commitment to democratic principles through free and fair elections. The opposition National Democratic Congress (NDC), led by John Mahama, secured a decisive victory in the 2024 presidential and parliamentary elections. This shift in political power reflects growing public dissatisfaction with the ruling New Patriotic Party (NPP). As Mahama assumes office as the president of the republic of Ghana on January 7, 2025, he inherits a nation in crisis. Baba Yunus Muhammad explores the factors behind the NPP’s defeat, the current state of Ghana, and the formidable challenges and opportunities that lie ahead for the incoming administration, incorporating perspectives on environment and climate resilience.
The NPP’s Fall from Grace
The NPP’s electoral defeat is rooted in economic mismanagement, unfulfilled promises, and a growing disconnect with the populace. Ghana’s economy, once a model for regional stability, has faced severe challenges, including soaring debt, inflation, and unemployment.
Economic Missteps
Under President Nana Akufo-Addo, Ghana’s debt-to-GDP ratio reached an alarming 82.9% (IMF) by the end of 2024, driven by extensive external borrowing to fund infrastructure projects. Coupled with the global economic slowdown and decreased demand for key exports like cocoa, gold, and oil, the economy struggled to regain momentum. Inflation escalated from 10.4% in 2021 to over 38% in 2024, severely eroding purchasing power. Unemployment reached 13%, with youth unemployment exceeding 20%. These statistics highlight the deteriorating living standards for millions of Ghanaians.
The NPP’s reliance on IMF-prescribed austerity measures, including salary freezes, tax hikes, and subsidy cuts, further alienated the working and middle classes. The perceived prioritization of urban centers over rural communities compounded this disenchantment, especially in the underserved northern regions.
Political Missteps
Corruption scandals and accusations of nepotism plagued the NPP’s tenure. Mismanagement in the energy sector and opaque procurement deals eroded public trust. Additionally, the party’s inability to fulfill promises—such as creating one million jobs and improving education and healthcare—undermined its credibility. This dissatisfaction fueled the NDC’s campaign, which resonated with marginalized groups seeking change.
Ghana’s Current State: A Nation in Crisis
Economic Challenges
Ghana’s cedi depreciated by over 50% against the US dollar in three years, driving up import costs and inflation. Servicing public debt consumes over 60% of government revenue, leaving little for essential social investment. The rising cost of living has reversed years of progress in poverty reduction, leaving millions vulnerable.
Environmental Vulnerabilities
Climate change exacerbates Ghana’s challenges. Rising temperatures, deforestation, and erratic rainfall are disrupting agriculture and increasing food insecurity. Coastal erosion and flooding threaten communities and infrastructure, emphasizing the need for urgent climate adaptation and resilience measures.
Political and Social Polarization
The closely contested elections underscore deep divisions within the electorate. While Mahama’s victory signals a demand for change, it also highlights the need for reconciliation and unity. Institutional reforms—especially in electoral transparency and anti-corruption measures—are imperative for restoring trust in governance.
The Task Ahead for John Mahama
Mr. Mahama faces an uphill battle in stabilizing Ghana’s economy, fostering political reconciliation, and rebuilding public trust. As Ghanaians anticipate the new government, they are eagerly awaiting a clear stance on zero tolerance to corruption. It is crucial for the Mahama administration to demonstrate its commitment to rooting out corruption at all levels of government. This could mean not only actively recovering looted public funds but also ensuring that former government officials found guilty of corruption or abuse of office are held accountable. These officials must face legal consequences to reassure citizens that integrity will define the new government’s leadership.
This stance on corruption is essential for rebuilding trust with the people, ensuring that transparency and accountability are at the core of governance. If Mahama’s administration takes bold steps to uphold these principles, it would mark a crucial turning point in Ghana’s fight against corruption. Holding wrongdoers accountable, recovering stolen assets, and implementing new anti-corruption measures could restore public faith and signal a new dawn for effective and ethical governance. Achieving these goals requires inclusive governance and innovative solutions.
Economic Recovery: Balancing Growth and Sustainability
To restore economic stability, the Mahama administration must prioritize sustainable development:
- Diversifying the Economy: Investments in agro-processing, renewable energy, and manufacturing can reduce dependence on traditional exports and create jobs.
- Enhancing Revenue Collection: Strengthening tax systems and closing loopholes can increase government revenue without undue burden on citizens.
- Promoting Fiscal Discipline: Conducting comprehensive audits of government spending can identify inefficiencies and reduce waste.
- Green Transition: Climate adaptation and renewable energy initiatives can position Ghana as a leader in Africa’s green economy, ensuring long-term resilience and sustainability.
Environmental Sustainability as a Cornerstone
Addressing climate change must be a central pillar of Ghana’s recovery. As one of the nations most vulnerable to climate impacts, Ghana should:
- Implement reforestation programs to combat deforestation.
- Invest in clean energy solutions, such as solar and wind, to reduce reliance on fossil fuels.
- Promote sustainable agricultural practices to boost productivity while conserving resources.
- Strengthen disaster preparedness systems to protect communities from flooding and other climate-related threats.
Political Reconciliation and Institutional Reform
In a polarized political environment, fostering unity is paramount. Mahama’s administration should focus on:
- Electoral Transparency: Enhancing the independence and capacity of the Electoral Commission.
- Anti-Corruption Measures: Establishing independent agencies to investigate corruption, regardless of political affiliation.
- Decentralization: Empowering local governments to address regional disparities and bring governance closer to the people.
Strengthening Social Infrastructure
Addressing the immediate needs of Ghanaians requires significant investments in education, healthcare, and housing:
- Universal Healthcare: Expanding the National Health Insurance Scheme to ensure comprehensive coverage.
- Educational Reforms: Emphasizing vocational training and STEM education to equip the youth for emerging industries.
- Affordable Housing: Partnering with private investors to reduce the housing deficit.
Lessons from the Past: Rethinking External Dependence
Ghana’s reliance on IMF-led programs often exacerbates inequality and undermines sovereignty. For instance, the 2014 IMF bailout program required Ghana to implement austerity measures such as subsidy removals and public sector wage freezes, which disproportionately impacted the poor and stoked public dissent. To avoid repeating past mistakes, the Mahama administration should:
- Develop Homegrown Policies: Leverage Ghana’s resources and potential to craft context-specific solutions.
- Engage Regional Partners: Strengthen trade and collaboration within ECOWAS to build a resilient economic bloc.
- Pursue Diverse Partnerships: Balance relationships with development partners, including China and the European Union, to maintain strategic autonomy.
A New Path Forward
Ghana stands at a critical juncture. The electorate’s demand for change reflects widespread yearning for economic relief and governance reforms. Mahama’s leadership will define Ghana’s trajectory in the years to come. By prioritizing sustainability, inclusivity, and innovation, Ghana can rebuild itself as a beacon of resilience and progress on the African continent. The road ahead is fraught with challenges, but with decisive action and visionary policies, Mahama’s administration has the potential to restore hope and create lasting prosperity for all Ghanaians

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