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How Ghana, Africa’s Rising Star, Ended up in Economic Turmoil

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Ghana is a major cocoa and gold exporter, so why is the West African nation battling its worst economic crisis in decades?

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Doris Oduro sits at her small, almost-empty store in Odorkor, a suburb of Ghana’s capital, Accra. The single mother of two feels frustrated. After 15 years in business, she is now considering closing because she cannot restock her shop due to the high cost of living. “I am running at a big loss,” Oduro, 38, told Al Jazeera. She sells imported items, including juices, biscuits, soft drinks, toiletries and sweets, but Ghana’s economic crisis is taking a huge toll on her business. “Prices of goods keep soaring, and it is affecting my principal capital,” she said. “I want to close my store and find something else to do. Things are tough for me because I can’t sustain the business and I have a family to keep.”

Ghana, a country once described as Africa’s shining star by the World Bank, had the world’s fastest-growing economy in 2019 after it doubled its economic growth. But today, it is no longer the economic poster boy of West Africa. Despite being a major cocoa and gold exporter, it is currently battling its worst financial crisis in decades with inflation hovering at a record 50.3 percent, the highest in 21 years.

Ghana’s economic successes were in the limelight when the new government of President Nana Akufo-Addo took power in January 2017 and brought down inflation significantly. Under the previous government in 2016, it was 15.4 percent, and it fell to 7.9 percent by the end of 2019 and remained in single digits until the pandemic hit in March 2020.

Ghana’s budget deficit, which was about 6.5 percent of the nation’s gross domestic product before Akufo-Addo’s government came to power, was brought down to under 5 percent of GDP by the end of 2019. “The growth that we experienced around 2017 to 2019 was actually coming from the oil sector,” Daniel Anim Amarteye, an economist with the Accra-based Policy Initiative for Economic Development, told Al Jazeera. “We were so excited that the economy was growing, but we couldn’t devise strategies to ensure that the growth reflects in the other sectors of the economy,” he said. “For instance, we neglected the agriculture sector, and we couldn’t do any meaningful value-added investment in that sector. The government became complacent.”

According to the United Nations’ Food and Agriculture Organization, agriculture represents 21 percent of Ghana’s GDP and accounts for more than 40 percent of its export earnings. At the same time, it provides more than 90 percent of the food the country needs. “Over the years, the government failed to invest in increasing output in the agricultural sector that will eventually lead to economic growth and transformation and food security. We are a major cocoa growing country, but we didn’t pay attention to increasing yields to translate into more foreign exchange earnings to drive economic growth and employment,” Amarteye said.

Ghanaian traders, who contribute significantly to the economy, mostly buy and sell products they import from Western countries and China, including home appliances, consumables, cars and second-hand clothes. Due to the nature of their businesses, there is a persistent strong demand for the US dollar to pay for imports. This led to the continuous depreciation of the local currency, the cedi, which was recently described as the worst-performing on world markets.

As inflation surges, rising prices keep the cost of living accelerating for Ghanaians. “Things are not the same anymore,” said Francis Anim, a vehicle spare parts importer. “I used to spend $5 a day with my wife and child on food alone early this year. Now we spend close to $10 [for the same amount of food]. Why?” “We are feeling the heat,” he said. “The import duties are very high at the ports, so we have to pass on that burden to retailers, and eventually the consumer suffers. This has resulted in a high cost of living in Ghana, and the economy is not helping us either.”

A nation in crisis

The president conceded in a recent address to the nation that the West African country is in crisis. He blamed the situation on external shocks – the pandemic and Russia-Ukraine war. However, analysts say the government took certain political and economic decisions that would have eventually exposed the weaknesses in the system even without those external factors. For instance, to fulfil one of Akufo-Addo’s most expensive campaign pledges, his government launched a free education programme in public high schools nine months after he took office. It also provided free meals to students at primary and secondary levels.

Also in 2017, the governing New Patriotic Party scrapped what it called 15 “nuisance taxes”. These included the 17.5 percent value added tax on financial services, real estate and selected imported medicines. They also reduced import duties on spare car parts, abolished the 1 percent special import levy and the 17.5 percent VAT on domestic airline tickets.

“This brought a massive reduction in government revenue,” Williams Kwasi Peprah, a Ghanaian associate professor of finance at Andrews University in Michigan, told Al Jazeera. “To make up for the revenue shortfall, the government adopted borrowing. This increased Ghana’s bond market activities domestically and externally and, as a result, a high debt-to-GDP exposure, leading to the current debt unsustainability levels.”

“The financial sector clean-up also cost the country more than anticipated in attaining a robust financial sector before 2022,” Peprah said. He said the discovery of two more oilfields in 2019 led to the anticipation of more revenues. The government responded by issuing more domestic and external bonds, increasing its debt and raising spending on interest payments, social programmes and employment.

The government is Ghana’s largest employer, primarily in the fields of education, healthcare and security. It spends almost half of its budget on wages; this year, it raked in $8.2bn in estimated revenue and used about $4.2bn to pay salaries of public sector workers. From August 2017 to December 2018, Akufo-Addo’s government spent more than $2.1bn on what it called the “banking sector clean-up”.

The central bank said some banks were insolvent and were operating on life support, putting the interests of depositors at risk. The clean-up saw a reduction in the number of banks from 33 to 23 while more than 340 other financial institutions, such as savings and loans companies, had their licences revoked. The government aimed to restore confidence and reposition the banking sector to support economic growth. “The financial sector clean-up also cost the country more than anticipated in attaining a robust financial sector before 2022,” Peprah said.

He said the discovery of two more oilfields in 2019 led to the anticipation of more revenues. The government responded by issuing more domestic and external bonds, increasing its debt and raising spending on interest payments, social programmes and employment. The government is Ghana’s largest employer, primarily in the fields of education, healthcare and security. It spends almost half of its budget on wages; this year, it raked in $8.2bn in estimated revenue and used about $4.2bn to pay salaries of public sector workers.

In 2017, the government also restored allowances for trainee nurses and teachers. President John Mahama lost to Akufo-Addo in the 2016 election partly for suspending those allowances two years earlier. They put a huge strain on the public purse. For the nurses’ allowances alone, the government paid more than $2.5 million annually.

“That was a poor political and economic decision the Akufo-Addo government made at that time because the country was faced with revenue challenges,” said Kwasi Yirenkyi, a financial analyst with Accra-based Data Crunchers. “The government was spending more than it was receiving, and at the same time, it failed to widen the tax net. We were slowly heading for disaster.”

The pandemic and debt load

There was a significant drop in revenue in 2020 coupled with a rise in government expenditures. They were mainly COVID-related as the government adopted a populist approach, provided free water and electricity to citizens and fed 470,000 households during a three-week lockdown that cost the nation $9.4m.

In August 2021 Akufo-Addo began what he later admitted was “an overly ambitious” construction project of 111 hospitals with an estimated price tag of more than $1bn. Pressure kept mounting on his government to fulfil a plethora of other electoral promises, such as the construction of roads, schools and markets, forcing the government to keep borrowing and leaving an economy dogged by high public debt. The most recent data released by the central bank put the country’s debt load at $48.9bn as of September. That represents 76 percent of GDP.

“Largely, the debt that we accrued were not actually prudently used to drive economic growth,” Amarteye said. “If that was done, we could have generated sufficient inflow to be able to meet repayment obligations. Borrowing is not a bad thing, but how you use it is critical. On our part, the managers of the economy failed to invest it in the critical sectors of the economy.”

The oil-exporting country produced 39.15 million barrels of crude oil from January to September, according to the 2023 budget statement read by Finance Minister Ken Ofori-Atta in Parliament in November. They brought in $873.25m in revenues for the eighth-largest oil producer in Africa. Although oil production declined between January and June, according to a report by the Public Interest and Accountability Committee, a surge in prices resulted in the government taking in more revenue than it had expected. “Where did all the oil revenue go to?” opposition member of parliament Isaac Adongo asked. “The economy has been on life-support system because this government kept borrowing. We have now hit the ceiling, and there is no way out.”

In spite of the challenges, the government had been optimistic that the economy would bounce back after the pandemic. However, Russia’s war in Ukraine has derailed Ghana’s economic recovery. The cedi, its currency, lost more than 50 percent of its value between January and October 2022, causing Ghana’s debt burden to rise by $6bn. “The war affected global economies and exposed fundamental weaknesses,” Peprah said. “Within a short period, prices in Ghana had increased, leading to hyperinflation and currency devaluation affecting both macro and micro levels of the economy. The Bank of Ghana did not have the needed dollars to pay for the country’s commitments. The balance of payment had deteriorated, leading Ghana to insolvency.” Workers and traders protested from July to September over price hikes, which have increased the cost of electricity by 27 percent and water by 22 percent.

Activists and anti-corruption campaigners have also accused the government of mismanaging public finances. “We have gold, oil and cocoa, yet we’re still foundering as a nation,” said Bernard Mornah, a leading member of the Arise Ghana pressure group. “The level of corruption under this government is unprecedented. There are so many revenue loopholes that must be blocked. Government officials are looting state funds and assets, so how do we develop?” A 2021 Transparency International study on perceptions of corruption in Africa ranked Ghana ninth out of 49 Sub-Saharan African countries.

Investor confidence dims

Investors began to lose confidence in the economy as the government grappled with liquidity challenges. They started moving their money out of Ghana. In May, Minister Ofori-Atta introduced an unpopular e-levy, which placed a 1.5 percent tax on all electronic and merchant payments, bank transfers and remittances as part of measures to increase revenue. It brought in a paltry 10 percent of its targeted amount in its first month.

In the middle of this economic storm, credit ratings firms such as Moody’s downgraded Ghana to junk status, pushing even more investors away. At this point, Ghana was forced in July to turn to the International Monetary Fund (IMF) for relief.  It was a difficult decision for Akufo-Addo to make after he had condemned his predecessor for mismanaging the economy and taking an IMF bailout.

In December, the government reached an agreement with the IMF for a $3bn loan. However, the West African country needs to carry out a comprehensive debt restructuring in order to receive the funds. This means that Ghana will have to renegotiate the terms of its debt with its creditors, including extending repayment period, lowering the interest rate, or reducing the overall balance owed.

Formerly regarded as an investor favourite, Ghana has also suspended payments on part of its foreign debt to preserve the fast-depleting international reserve of the central bank. There is also a freeze in hiring into the public sector among many other measures taken to cut expenditure.  “The story would have been different but for the pandemic and the Russia war in Ukraine,” Deputy Finance Minister Abena Osei-Asare said. “We have instituted clear policies to return to economic growth. We are very hopeful the economy will bounce back.”

The economy has made some gains since Ghana reached the agreement with the IMF. The cedi is recovering against the US dollar, appreciating by 63.7 percent in mid-December, according to the Bank of Ghana, after suffering a year-to-date depreciation of 54.2 percent at the end of November. But economists and scholars such as Peprah believe the long-term solution is for the government to live within its means.

“The solution to the current problem is for the government to reduce expenditure and increase revenue,” Peprah said. “It needs to ensure efficient and effective allocation of resources backed by accountability.”  For his part, Amarteye said the government must be downsized, and he called for stringent measures to check corruption.

“We have to ensure that every cedi that is extended to government agencies are accounted for,” Amarteye said. “The Office of the Special Prosecutor should be empowered to be able to deal with corruption in the system. There should be fiscal discipline, and also we have to add value to our produce by supporting the private sector to lead that particular space.” “If that is done, jobs will be created and also the economy will bounce back,” he said.  In Odorkor, shop-owner Oduro, like many Ghanaians, wants to see a thriving economy again, one in which she can do business and feed her family. “I have played my part as a voter,” she said. “The government must play its part too – fix the economy. This is not the Ghana we came to meet.”

SOURCE: AL JAZEERA


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BUSINESS & ECONOMY

Trump’s Tariff Tsunami: A Global Economic Earthquake with Far-Reaching Implications

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Baba Yunus Muhammad

Washington, D.C. – Long before his 2024 re-election campaign, Donald J. Trump had been an unrelenting advocate for protectionist trade policies. His views on tariffs, long cast as a pillar of his economic nationalism, have now crystallized into a sweeping policy agenda with the potential to reshape the global economic order. Last Wednesday, President Trump took to the White House lawn, brandishing an oversized chart, to announce the most aggressive tariff regime in modern U.S. history—a unilateral 10% blanket tariff on virtually all imported goods, complemented by so-called “reciprocal” tariffs targeting countries he accuses of exploiting the United States.

The move has not just rattled America’s trading partners, it has sent shockwaves through the entire global economy. Financial markets plunged, manufacturing sectors braced for retaliation, and policymakers around the world scrambled to assess the fallout. But what lies behind this bold—and, some argue, reckless—push for economic decoupling? And what does it mean for the Islamic world and emerging markets?

Economic Nationalism Reborn

Trump’s tariff blitz is the fullest expression yet of his “America First” economic philosophy—an ideological throwback to a 1950s-era America that dominated global manufacturing in the wake of World War II. According to economic historian Dr. Alan Scott, this nostalgia is at the heart of Trump’s thinking. “The U.S. was uniquely advantaged during that period—Europe and Japan were devastated, and America had a virtual monopoly on industrial output,” he says. “That era cannot be recreated.”

Nonetheless, Trump’s rhetoric is anchored in the belief that aggressive tariffs will resuscitate America’s industrial base, revitalize blue-collar employment, and address the inequalities wrought by decades of globalization. Whether those goals are achievable—or even realistic—is highly contested.

The Global Repercussions: Allies and Adversaries in the Crosshairs

The effects of the new tariffs are global in scope. China, the U.S.’s main strategic rival, faces an unprecedented 54% total levy on its exports to the United States. Beijing has already vowed retaliatory action. Traditional allies have not fared much better: the European Union is now subject to a 20% tariff; the United Kingdom, 10%; and Japan, despite pledging $1 trillion in U.S. investments, is hit with a 24% tariff.

Notably, Canada and Mexico have been spared—at least temporarily—though they too have been locked in past trade disputes with the Trump administration. For the Islamic world and Global South, the stakes are even higher. Several of the world’s poorest and most trade-dependent countries have been targeted with tariffs as high as 50%. These include Cambodia, Laos, Madagascar, Vietnam, Myanmar—and critically, Muslim-majority nations such as Pakistan and Indonesia are watching with deep concern, given their heavy reliance on U.S. markets for textiles, apparel, and electronics.

A Blow to the Global South

Among the most worrying elements of the policy is its potential impact on least-developed and low-income countries. Nations like Lesotho and Cambodia—already reeling from reduced U.S. development assistance—now face steep tariffs on their exports. For smaller Islamic economies trying to escape the middle-income trap or build industrial bases, this could be economically devastating.

“Tariffs of this magnitude will not just curb growth, they could collapse entire industries,” warns Dr. Aisha Rahman, an economist with the Islamic Development Bank. “Many of these countries have benefited from preferential trade terms. Now, they risk being crowded out of global markets just when they are beginning to integrate.”

There is also the risk that products originally intended for the U.S. market could be dumped in Europe, Africa, and Southeast Asia, creating new competitive pressures for local businesses.

Inflation, Uncertainty, and the U.S. Backlash

Domestically, the response has been fraught with anxiety. Wall Street has registered its displeasure with sharp declines: the Nasdaq dropped 6%, the S&P 500 fell 4.8%, and the Dow slid 3.9%. The U.S. dollar weakened, oil prices plummeted, and the bond market reflected growing fears of a recession.

Analysts warn of rising inflation and unemployment. A study by the Wall Street Journal projects that if the tariffs remain, inflation could spike to 4.4% by year-end, with unemployment hitting 5.5%. This economic strain would disproportionately impact low-income households—precisely those whom Trump claims to champion.

Even within Trump’s own party, unease is growing. While Vice President JD Vance dismissed the market reaction as overblown, some Republican lawmakers are beginning to break ranks, concerned that the long-term economic costs will outweigh any short-term political gains.

Can the Islamic World Respond Strategically?

For Muslim-majority countries—particularly those striving to expand manufacturing and export-led growth—Trump’s new trade regime presents both a challenge and an opportunity. On one hand, increased U.S. protectionism may shut the door on critical export markets. On the other, it could accelerate South-South trade partnerships, regional economic blocs, and Islamic finance-led industrial investment.

Dr. Omar El-Zein, trade advisor to the OIC, argues that “the Islamic world must now pursue intra-OIC trade more seriously than ever before. If the West turns inward, we must turn to one another.”

Indeed, in an era where multilateralism is being tested and global supply chains are being restructured, there is a chance to forge new trade alignments rooted in mutual benefit, Islamic economic values, and strategic autonomy.

Conclusion: Between Ideology and Impact

President Trump’s tariffs are not merely a set of economic instruments—they are a declaration of ideological war on the globalized economic consensus. While they may serve a symbolic political purpose in the U.S., their real-world impact will be felt far beyond its borders—in factories in Bangladesh, in textile mills in Egypt, and in rice fields in Indonesia.

The Islamic world, already grappling with structural development challenges, must now brace for a more hostile and unpredictable global trading environment. Whether it chooses to respond with disunity or collective resolve may well define its economic future.

Baba Yunus Muhammad is President, Africa Islamic Economic Forum, Ghana


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How Africa’s Largest Economy Lost 50% of Its GDP

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In 2014, Nigeria stood atop Africa’s economic podium, its GDP recalibrated to $510 billion, a figure that cemented its status as the continent’s largest economy. Oil wealth, a burgeoning tech scene, and a population of 220 million fuelled ambitions of global ascendancy. Yet, a decade later, that triumph has unravelled: GDP has halved to $253 billion by 2024, a stark testament to structural frailties and external blows. Inflation has surged to 33.95%, poverty ensnares 46% of the populace, and youth unemployment festers at 40%. This is no mere statistical blip—it is a crisis demanding urgent reckoning. But Nigeria’s story need not end in decline. Beneath the rubble lies a nation poised for resurgence, armed with vast resources, a dynamic workforce, and nascent reforms. The path to recovery is arduous yet attainable. Here, we dissect the collapse and chart a credible blueprint for Nigeria to reclaim its mantle as Africa’s economic powerhouse.

The descent began with oil, the artery of Nigeria’s economy. From 2000 to 2014, annual GDP growth averaged 7%, peaking at $568 billion, propelled by crude prices that topped $115 per barrel. Oil constituted 90% of exports and 70% of government revenue, per the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS). But the 2014 price crash to $50 per barrel exposed a fatal dependency. By 2023, production slumped to 1.28 million barrels per day (mbpd)—below the OPEC quota of 1.5 mbpd—haemorrhaging $10 billion annually to theft, according to the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC). Foreign exchange reserves dwindled from $38 billion in 2019 to $33 billion in 2023, per the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), as oil receipts faltered. This overreliance has left Nigeria vulnerable, yet it also signals an overdue pivot to diversification.

Structural deficiencies run deep. Agriculture, employing 45% of Nigerians, contributes just 25% to GDP, its productivity stymied—maize yields average 1.8 tons per hectare against a global norm of 5 tons, per the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO). Manufacturing, now 9% of GDP in 2023, down from 9.5% in 2015, is throttled by electricity shortages costing businesses $29 billion yearly, per the World Bank. Nigeria generates a paltry 4,000 megawatts for 220 million people, compared to South Africa’s 58,000 MW for 60 million. Import reliance—$2.13 billion spent on wheat, rice, and sugar in 2023, per the African Development Bank (AfDB)—drains reserves, a vulnerability magnified by a 40% wheat price surge following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. These are not insurmountable flaws; they are clarion calls for reform.

Monetary policy missteps exacerbated the malaise. The CBN’s artificial naira peg at 305 to the dollar until 2023 depleted reserves and spawned a parallel market where rates hit 1,600 by 2024. Post-devaluation, the currency lost 70% of its value, per IMF estimates, driving inflation to 33.95% in May 2024—food inflation reached 40%, per the NBS. A 50kg bag of rice, a staple, soared from ₦25,000 in 2022 to ₦80,000 in 2024, punishing households where 46% live below $1.90 daily, per the World Bank. Public debt escalated to 46% of GDP in 2023, with 89% of budgeted deficits financed through borrowing, per PwC’s 2024 analysis. This fiscal strain is severe, but it is not irreparable—policy agility can stem the tide.

Corruption and insecurity have exacted a punishing toll. Oil theft, at 400,000 barrels daily in 2022, costs $10 billion annually, while Nigeria languishes at 145 out of 180 on Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index. Customs inefficiencies at Apapa Port siphon $4 billion yearly, per the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC). In the northeast, Boko Haram’s insurgency has inflicted $100 billion in economic losses since 2009, per estimates, slashing agricultural output by 20%. Banditry and separatist unrest further erode stability. External shocks—COVID-19’s 6.1% GDP contraction in Q2 2020, per the IMF, and Ukraine-driven fuel price hikes (petrol to ₦671 per litre in 2023, per the AfDB)—have compounded the damage. Yet, these challenges, while daunting, are not destiny.

The GDP’s 50% plunge is partly a statistical artefact. The 2014 rebasing inflated it by 89%, but naira devaluation reversed dollar-based gains. In purchasing power parity (PPP), Nigeria’s economy stood at $1.2 trillion in 2023, per the IMF, among Africa’s top three. Still, the human cost is stark: 63% of Nigerians—133 million—face multidimensional poverty, per the NBS, with 10.5 million children out of school, the world’s highest. Youth unemployment, at 40% in 2023, drives the “Japa” exodus—5,000 doctors emigrated in 2022, per the Nigerian Medical Association. Small and medium enterprises (SMEs), comprising 96% of businesses and 84% of jobs, per The Business Year 2024, access just 5% of bank loans. These figures are sobering, but they underscore a latent capacity yearning for activation.

Nigeria’s fundamentals remain compelling. Its tech sector—epitomised by Flutterwave and Paystack—secured $1.8 billion in venture capital in 2023, per TechCabal, with annual growth of 30% since 2020. Agriculture spans 70 million arable hectares, a resource base that slashed rice imports by 40% since 2015, per the AfDB. The Dangote Refinery, operational since 2024 with 650,000 barrels daily, promises $5 billion in annual forex savings. A population projected to reach 428 million by 2050, per UN estimates, offers an unrivalled market. Nigeria’s economic reset hinges on harnessing these strengths through decisive, pragmatic measures. Below are the critical steps to restore and elevate this giant.

Diversification must be the cornerstone. Agriculture, with targeted investment, could generate $100 billion annually. Mechanisation—raising tractor density from 1 per 100 farmers to 10, as in Kenya, per the FAO—could double yields within five years. Nigeria’s 60% share of global cassava production, currently worth $1.5 billion, could reach $5 billion with processing plants, per UNCTAD projections. Leveraging the $2 trillion global halal market, where demand grows 6% annually, per the Halal Trade Expo, is a natural fit—northern Nigeria’s 100 million Muslims could supply certified meat to the Gulf, mirroring Malaysia’s $12 billion halal export success. A $500 million fund for irrigation and agro-industrial zones, coupled with 10-year tax holidays, could catalyse this shift, emulating Ghana’s Planting for Food initiative, which tripled rice output since 2017.

Energy reform is non-negotiable. Nigeria’s $29 billion annual power deficit demands a 10,000 MW boost by 2030—solar farms in the sun-drenched north, harnessing 300 days of sunlight, could deliver half, drawing on Kenya’s $1 billion renewable model that electrified 70% of rural areas. Private investment, as demonstrated by Dangote’s $19 billion refinery, could bridge the $190 billion energy gap, per UNCTAD estimates, if paired with grid upgrades slashing 40% transmission losses, per the World Bank. Reliable power would revive manufacturing, lifting its GDP share to 15% within a decade and unlocking export potential under the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA).

Corruption requires surgical intervention. Digitising oil flows, as Norway does with real-time tracking, could recover $10 billion yearly, per NNPC data. E-governance—online tax and procurement platforms—could save $2 billion in leakages, per EFCC projections, while a robust anti-graft framework with independent audits and whistleblower protections rebuilds credibility. Foreign direct investment, which fell 33% to $3.3 billion in 2023, per UNCTAD, would rebound as opacity fades.

SMEs, the economy’s backbone, need oxygen. A $1 billion loan guarantee scheme, akin to South Africa’s SME Fund that created 30,000 jobs since 2019, could unlock $10 billion in credit, addressing the 5% lending gap. Vocational training for 1 million entrepreneurs annually—mirroring Rwanda’s 7% youth unemployment drop—enhances competitiveness. Linking SMEs to AfCFTA’s $3.4 trillion market via export hubs could elevate intra-African trade from 16% to 30%, per AfDB targets.

Human capital is the linchpin. Raising education spending to 15% of the budget—$10 billion—could build 10,000 schools, per UNESCO benchmarks, halving the 10.5 million out-of-school figure. Technical institutes, like Ghana’s, could train 500,000 youths yearly, cutting unemployment by 5%. Healthcare demands $1 billion for 1,000 mobile clinics, reaching 20 million rural residents and staunching medical brain drain—India’s model reduced infant mortality 30%. A skilled, healthy workforce is Nigeria’s competitive edge.

Infrastructure must match ambition. A $15 billion overhaul—bolstered by the AfDB’s $1.44 billion 2024 commitment—could halve logistics costs, currently $1 billion yearly. Rail links, like Ethiopia’s $4 billion Addis-Djibouti line, and port digitisation, as at Morocco’s Tanger Med, would expedite trade, positioning Nigeria as an AfCFTA hub. The naira’s flotation and $10 billion subsidy savings, per PwC, are steps forward; execution must be relentless.

Nigeria’s 50% GDP drop is a jolt, not a death knell. Its $1 trillion nominal GDP potential by 2050, per PwC, is within reach if these measures take root. Investors should note: a market of 220 million, with tech growing 30% annually, offers outsized returns despite risks. Policymakers must act—133 million in poverty brook no delay. Nigeria can lead Africa anew, its resilience forged in adversity. The question is not if, but how swiftly, it seizes this moment.


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What is the Role of Bosnia in Strengthening Halal Supply Chains in Europe?

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Imagine walking into a supermarket in Paris, Berlin, or London, scanning the shelves for halal-certified products. You pick up a pack of chicken, a bottle of olive oil, and a box of cookies, all bearing the halal logo. But have you ever wondered how these products made it to the shelf? Behind every halal-certified item lies a complex supply chain that ensures its authenticity, safety, and compliance with Islamic principles. In Europe, where the demand for halal products is growing rapidly, building a reliable and transparent halal supply chain is no small feat. Enter Bosnia and Herzegovina, a country that has emerged as a key player in strengthening halal supply chains across the continent.

With its deep-rooted Islamic heritage, cutting-edge certification processes, and collaborative approach, Bosnia is setting a new standard for halal integrity in Europe. This article explores Bosnia’s pivotal role in creating a robust halal supply chain, its collaborations with other halal-certified organizations, and why its efforts matter for businesses and consumers alike.

The Growing Demand for Halal Products in Europe

Europe is home to over 25 million Muslims, a number that is expected to grow in the coming years. This demographic shift has fueled a surge in demand for halal products, from food and beverages to cosmetics and pharmaceuticals. According to a report by Statista, the European halal food market alone is projected to reach $30 billion by 2025. However, meeting this demand is not without its challenges.

One of the biggest hurdles is ensuring the integrity of the halal supply chain. From farm to fork, every step of the process must adhere to strict halal standards. This includes sourcing halal-certified raw materials, using compliant processing methods, and maintaining transparency throughout the supply chain. For businesses, this requires a high level of coordination and expertise—something that Bosnia has mastered.

Bosnia’s Expertise in Halal Certification: A Foundation for Trust

Bosnia and Herzegovina has long been a leader in the global halal industry, thanks in large part to its Agency for Halal Quality Certification (AHQC). Established in 2007, the AHQC is renowned for its rigorous standards and transparent processes. But Bosnia’s contribution to the halal industry goes beyond certification; it plays a critical role in strengthening halal supply chains across Europe.

Here’s how Bosnia is making a difference:

  1. Setting Rigorous Standards: The AHQC’s certification process is one of the most stringent in the world. It covers every stage of production, from sourcing raw materials to packaging and distribution. This ensures that products bearing the Bosnia Halal Certification logo meet the highest standards of quality and compliance.
  2. Promoting Transparency: Transparency is at the heart of Bosnia’s approach to halal certification. The AHQC requires detailed documentation and conducts regular audits to ensure ongoing compliance. This level of transparency builds trust among consumers and businesses alike.
  3. Leveraging Technology: Bosnia is at the forefront of using technology to enhance halal supply chains. From blockchain to track and trace systems, the country is leveraging innovative solutions to ensure the integrity of halal products.

Collaborations: The Key to a Stronger Halal Supply Chain

Bosnia’s success in strengthening halal supply chains is not a solo effort. It is the result of strategic collaborations with other halal-certified organizations, businesses, and government bodies across Europe. These partnerships have been instrumental in creating a more reliable and transparent halal ecosystem.

  1. Partnerships with Halal-Certified Businesses: Bosnia works closely with businesses that are committed to halal integrity. By providing them with certification and guidance, the AHQC helps these companies navigate the complexities of the halal supply chain.
  2. Collaborations with International Halal Organizations: Bosnia is an active member of global halal organizations such as the AHAC – Association of halal Crttifiers. These collaborations ensure that Bosnia’s standards align with international best practices.
  3. Government Support: The Bosnian government has been a strong advocate for the halal industry, providing funding and support for initiatives that promote halal integrity. This has enabled the AHQC to expand its reach and impact.
  4. Educational Initiatives: Bosnia is also investing in education and training to raise awareness about halal standards. Through workshops, seminars, and publications, the AHQC is helping to build a more informed and skilled workforce.

Bosnia’s Impact on the European Halal Market

To understand the real-world impact of Bosnia’s efforts, let’s look at a case study. In 2020, a major European supermarket chain partnered with the AHQC to source halal-certified poultry products. The collaboration involved:

  • Sourcing: The AHQC worked with farmers and suppliers to ensure that the poultry was raised and processed in accordance with halal standards.
  • Certification: The AHQC certified the entire supply chain, from the farm to the supermarket shelf.
  • Transparency: The supermarket chain used blockchain technology to provide consumers with real-time information about the product’s journey.

The result? A 20% increase in sales of halal-certified poultry products within six months. This success story highlights the tangible benefits of Bosnia’s approach to halal supply chain management.

Why Bosnia’s Role Matters for Europe

Bosnia’s contributions to the halal industry have far-reaching implications for Europe. Here’s why:

  1. Consumer Confidence: By ensuring the integrity of halal supply chains, Bosnia is helping to build consumer confidence in halal-certified products. This is crucial in a market where trust is paramount.
  2. Economic Growth: The halal industry is a significant driver of economic growth. By strengthening halal supply chains, Bosnia is creating new opportunities for businesses and boosting the European economy.
  3. Cultural Integration: The halal industry plays a vital role in promoting cultural integration. By providing high-quality halal products, Bosnia is helping to meet the needs of Europe’s diverse population.
  4. Global Leadership: Bosnia’s expertise in halal certification and supply chain management positions it as a global leader in the industry. This not only enhances its reputation but also sets a benchmark for other countries to follow.

Challenges and the Way Forward

While Bosnia has made significant strides in strengthening halal supply chains, challenges remain. These include:

  • Standardization: Despite Bosnia’s efforts, there is still a lack of uniformity in halal standards across Europe. This can create confusion for businesses and consumers.
  • Fraud and Mislabeling: The rise of counterfeit halal products is a growing concern. Bosnia is addressing this issue through stricter regulations and advanced tracking technologies.
  • Awareness: Many consumers and businesses are still unaware of the importance of halal certification. Bosnia is tackling this through educational initiatives and outreach programs.

Looking ahead, Bosnia’s focus will be on fostering greater collaboration, leveraging technology, and raising awareness about halal standards. By doing so, it aims to create a more robust and transparent halal supply chain that benefits everyone.

Bosnia and Herzegovina has emerged as a beacon of reliability and transparency in the European halal industry. Through its rigorous standards, innovative solutions, and collaborative approach, the country is playing a pivotal role in strengthening halal supply chains across the continent. For businesses, this means access to a growing market and a trusted partner in halal certification. For consumers, it means peace of mind knowing that the products they purchase meet the highest standards of quality and authenticity.

As the demand for halal products continues to rise, Bosnia’s contributions will become even more significant. By setting a benchmark for integrity and excellence, Bosnia is not only shaping the future of the halal industry in Europe but also inspiring the world to follow suit.


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