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BUSINESS & ECONOMY

BRICS at a Historical Turning Point: Unexpected Challenges

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By  Timofey Bordachev

The BRICS group (Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa) was created in conditions where the universal power of the West had already entered a period of slow decline, but few had any doubts that the United States and Europe would be able to determine the main characteristics of the world economy and international politics for a long time. Globalisation and the system of international institutions created with their vigorous participation were still coping, on the whole, with their tasks, and there were not enough obvious prerequisites and reasons for their landslide collapse. In fact, it was globalisation and the international institutions created by the West that determined the “packaging” of the international order, centred around the wealth accumulated over several centuries and the military and political capabilities of its founders.

The main systemic characteristic of BRICS is that it is a community of revisionists, i. e. powers that did not set as their goal the destruction of the world order, but sought to achieve the inclusion of their interests in this order. All its participants were able to extricate themselves from their previous plight thanks to the opportunities that the unjust international order led by the West gave them. All of them grew at the expense of resources, although they were dramatically curtailed in the realisation of their basic interests and values. Finally, none of the BRICS countries has plans to forcibly change the existing order of things, as revolutionary France, Germany and Japan have tried to do at one point or another over the past 250 years.

However, as contradictions accumulated in the world, even the modest revisionist wishes of the BRICS members became a factor that is leading, if not to the destruction of the existing international order, then to its most fundamental restructuring. Accordingly, the expectations regarding the BRICS countries are being shaped by their main partners, as well as opponents to their rise. Many countries throughout the world are now looking at the BRICS as a group that can, if not pick up the banner of global governance from the West, then at least become its second pillar; one that is more just and less selfish in relation to the small and medium-sized states of the world. In other words, expectations about the role of the BRICS in world affairs are shaped independently of the will of the participants in this group: they become the product of the evolution of the entire international order in a direction whose main features we have yet to witness.

The most striking manifestation of such hopes is the numerous ideas about expanding the BRICS by including new states. A list of countries has already been formed — candidates for joining the group, some of which look like real heavyweights. But in order to move forward in understanding how the BRICS’ contribution to new global governance can truly be decisive, we need to ask ourselves a few questions. First, can the BRICS group maintain internal unity in an era when even the strongest international partnerships are being severely challenged? Second, is it possible in the current circumstances for the BRICS to maintain the revisionist nature of their behaviour in relation to the order that was created with their minimal participation and, in part, at the expense of their interests?

No one can doubt that the decisive influence of the BRICS in the shaping of the main aspects of the global agenda will make the world more just and stable. Russia, which assumes the chairmanship of the group in 2024, can set this as one of its main general political goals. Such a contribution is virtually inevitable, simply because the BRICS countries are not parasitic powers whose success and achievements depend on the ability to get the rest of the world to serve their interests. Their economic opportunities and political influence aren’t grounded in a history of bloody wars, conducted with the purpose of establishing regional and global dominance. On the contrary, it was through wars — within itself and with those around it — that the modern community of Western countries, has created “its own” international order.

However, in order to fully realize the BRICS mission, this association will very likely have to answer the aforementioned questions, regarding its own destiny. We cannot ignore the fact that all the experience of strong institutions and global governance is the experience of the West, i.e. a community united by common values and, most importantly, interests in relation to the surrounding world. This is what allows them to stick together and be relatively effective in opposing the rest of humanity. Only forceful dictate of the US against its main allies would not be enough. It certainly plays an important role, but it cannot be the only fundamental factor. In the centre are the interests and values that led to the situation of the impossibility of any serious internal conflicts among the countries of the West.

Unlike the US and Europe, the BRICS community is not based on the idea of exploiting other countries and regions. The political systems of its members do not come from a single source, as is certainly the case of Europe and the United States. Moreover, the different civilizational foundations of the BRICS countries directly prevent them from creating an association whose internal discipline would be comparable to the West. Therefore, any observer can now question the ability of the BRICS to set the world agenda in the same way as the G7 countries have been doing for decades. The BRICS members may yet have to figure out how they can respond to the expectations of the international community, which has come to expect the dictatorship of the West and the patronage of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa. The BRICS are already establishing concrete ways of contributing to the formation of the agenda for the whole world, and there are obvious achievements. However, as the ability of the United States and Europe to indicate the direction of movement to everyone collapses, the demand for clear support from the BRICS will only increase.

This means that the member countries of the group may, theoretically, face some challenges to their unity. Forming an alternative agenda to the dictates of the West is one thing, but creating ways to solve global development and security problems for the whole world, or at least for the countries of the World Majority, may turn out to be a more difficult task. In the near future, the BRICS may be required to be able to offer others new tools to address their core development problems, which means that the group’s degree of unity on key issues will need to go beyond weighty political statements.

An equally serious issue may be the preservation of the nature of the BRICS as a community aimed not at destroying the existing world order, but at improving it for the better. This is what makes it revisionist, and not revolutionary in terms of the intentions of the participating countries and the tasks that they set for themselves. The BRICS countries do not want the collapse of globalisation, institutions and international law. This means that their task is more complex: to create within the existing order such rules, norms and ways of cooperation that would allow for the preservation of its advantages and the elimination of its shortcomings. That revision, and not revolution, is the goal of the BRICS countries, the basis for the sustainability of this association and its relations with other countries of the World Majority. Preserving this nature is completely within the interests of the BRICS member countries and the entire international community. The alternative can only be a split in the group and the continuation of the power of that narrow group of countries, to counteract whose egoism the BRICS was created.


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BUSINESS & ECONOMY

Which Muslim Countries Owe the IMF the Most Money in 2025?

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When Egypt and Pakistan together owe the International Monetary Fund nearly US $18 billion, it is more than a sign of economic distress — it is a reflection of how the global financial order is reshaping itself under pressure.

The IMF’s balance sheet has swelled to its highest level in decades. As of October 2025, 86 countries collectively owe the Fund SDR 118.9 billion (approximately US $162 billion), according to the IMF and Al Jazeera data. That total is larger than the GDP of entire regions, underscoring how widespread financial vulnerability has become amid a strong dollar, high interest rates and sluggish trade.

Among the most exposed are Muslim-majority economies, several of which now rank among the Fund’s largest borrowers — a pattern that reveals not just crisis, but opportunity for structural renewal.

Egypt and Pakistan: The IMF’s Largest Muslim-Majority Clients

The IMF’s loan book is dominated by three countries: Argentina, Ukraine, and Egypt. Cairo’s outstanding obligations stand at SDR 6.89 billion, or about US $9.38 billion. That places it as the Fund’s third-largest debtor worldwide.

Egypt’s financial relationship with the IMF has deepened since 2016, when the country began a sweeping economic overhaul in exchange for multibillion-dollar support. Since then, a succession of devaluations, surging inflation, and subsidy reforms have tested social stability and household resilience.

Next in line is Pakistan, owing SDR 6.59 billion (approximately US $8.96 billion) — the fourth-largest exposure globally. Despite a series of IMF programmes over the past decade, Islamabad continues to face chronic current-account deficits, weak tax revenues and a narrow export base. Its latest extended arrangement, approved in 2024, aims to anchor fiscal consolidation and exchange-rate flexibility.

The picture continues with Bangladesh (SDR 2.92 billion ≈ US $3.98 billion), a relative newcomer to IMF support after years of steady growth. Morocco (SDR 0.94 billion ≈ US $1.28 billion) and Mauritania (SDR 0.33 billion ≈ US $0.45 billion) hold smaller, but still notable, exposures.

Country IMF Credit Outstanding (SDR bn) Approx. US $ bn Global Rank*
Egypt 6.89 9.38 3rd overall
Pakistan 6.59 8.96 4th–5th overall
Bangladesh 2.92 3.98 Top 15
Morocco 0.94 1.28 Mid-tier
Mauritania 0.33 0.45 Lower exposure

*Based on IMF data, 17 October 2025. Conversion rate: 1 SDR ≈ US $1.36.

An Era of Permanent Crisis Management

That two of the IMF’s five largest debtors are Muslim-majority nations highlights a deeper trend: emergency lending has become a long-term feature of the global economy.

For Cairo and Islamabad, IMF loans have evolved from short-term bailouts to quasi-permanent lifelines. In both cases, external shocks — energy prices, global inflation, and capital flight — collided with domestic fragilities: limited industrial diversification, rising debt service costs and governance inefficiencies.

“The Fund is no longer just a firefighter,” says a London-based emerging-markets strategist. “It’s become an anchor for economies that haven’t yet built their own stabilisers.”

That dependence, however, comes at a cost. IMF programmes often entail politically sensitive reforms — subsidy cuts, tax hikes, privatisation — that governments struggle to sustain amid public fatigue.

The Politics of Conditionality

Egypt’s commitments under its latest IMF programme include divesting state-owned assets and fully floating its currency. Implementation has been partial at best. Pakistan faces even steeper demands: boosting tax collection, overhauling the energy sector, and reducing fiscal leakages from state-owned enterprises.

The reforms are economically sound but politically fraught. Both governments operate in fragile environments where public discontent can quickly spill into the streets.

Bangladesh’s case is different but instructive: once hailed as a model of stability, it now faces declining garment exports, mounting import costs and currency depreciation. The IMF’s SDR 2.9 billion arrangement aims to strengthen its foreign-exchange regime and encourage green investment — yet progress remains slow.

A Shared Pattern of Strain

Muslim-majority economies, from North Africa to South Asia, exhibit a recurring fiscal pattern: high subsidy spending, limited tax capacity and dependence on remittances or narrow export bases. As global liquidity tightens, these structural weaknesses are exposed. For investors, the rise in IMF credit to the developing world serves as both reassurance and warning. It signals a safety net — but also a lack of self-sufficiency.

In the words of one Fund official, “The IMF’s objective is to be temporary, not perpetual. But the scale of demand suggests the global economy is caught in a cycle of dependence.”

Towards Fiscal Independence

The challenge for Egypt, Pakistan, and their peers is not simply repaying the Fund — it is graduating from it. Sustained reform, credible fiscal discipline, and greater private-sector dynamism are prerequisites for independence.

That path requires politically difficult choices:

  • Widening the tax base to reduce reliance on foreign borrowing.

  • Reforming energy subsidies to create fiscal space.

  • Allowing true exchange-rate flexibility to restore external competitiveness.

  • Investing in human capital to diversify growth beyond low-value exports.

Without these adjustments, IMF credit will remain a revolving door — an expensive form of crisis management.

A Moment of Reckoning

The IMF’s own data show that the Fund’s outstanding credit is now approaching levels last seen after the 2008 financial crisis. But this time, the geography of debt is different. The largest borrowers are no longer confined to Latin America or Eastern Europe; they stretch from Cairo to Islamabad to Dhaka.

That shift underscores both the growing weight of Muslim-majority economies in global finance and the unfinished business of reform within them.

For these nations, 2025 may prove decisive: either the year they entrench another cycle of dependency, or the year they begin building resilience.

In the end, as one regional economist put it, “IMF debt isn’t destiny. It’s a diagnosis — and a chance to rewrite the prescription.”

Hafiz Maqsood Ahmed is the Editor-in-Chief of The Halal Times


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Governments Going Broke: The World’s Mounting Debt Crisis

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Baba Yunus Muhammad

When the world’s most advanced economies can no longer afford their bills, alarm bells should ring far beyond their borders. In his analysis, “Governments Going Broke,” Henry Curr warns that rich-world debt has ballooned to levels unseen outside of wartime. Public debt across advanced economies now exceeds 110% of GDP — higher than at any point since the Napoleonic Wars, excluding the pandemic. As interest rates rise and populations age, the fiscal noose tightens. The threat, Curr argues, is not just a future of slower growth, but a dangerous flirtation with inflation that could upend the social contract on which modern democracies rest.

The Debt Trap of the Developed World

For decades, low borrowing costs allowed governments to pile on debt without pain. That era is over. Central banks, once accused of complacency, have tightened monetary policy to combat inflation. Now governments face the twin pressures of rising interest bills and political demands for ever more spending — on defence, health, pensions, and green transitions.

In Europe, taxation has reached political and practical ceilings. In America, the very notion of higher taxes remains electorally toxic. Politicians find themselves boxed in: unable to cut spending, unwilling to raise taxes, and forced to borrow more just to stand still. The result is a fiscal stalemate that risks igniting another round of inflation, shifting wealth from savers to debtors and from the prudent to the well-positioned.

Curr’s warning is stark: inflation is not just an economic nuisance but a corrosive force that undermines the middle class and destabilises democracy. Once unleashed, it erodes trust — in governments, in money, in the fairness of society itself.

The Forgotten Debtors: The Developing World’s Crisis

Yet while rich countries fret about the political consequences of debt, much of the developing world — particularly Africa — faces a crisis of survival.

Across sub-Saharan Africa, debt levels have surged over the past decade. According to the IMF, the region’s public debt-to-GDP ratio rose from an average of 32% in 2010 to nearly 60% by 2024. For some countries, such as Ghana, Zambia, and Ethiopia, the situation is far worse. These nations borrowed heavily to finance infrastructure, respond to the pandemic, and cushion citizens from the shocks of war and global inflation. Now, many are struggling to repay.

Unlike the rich world, developing nations borrow largely in foreign currencies, leaving them exposed to the whims of global financial markets. When the U.S. Federal Reserve raises rates, the cost of servicing dollar-denominated debt soars. The result: a slow-motion squeeze that leaves little room for social investment.

Ghana’s story is emblematic. After years of robust growth and ambitious borrowing for public projects, it defaulted on its external debt in 2022. The IMF stepped in with a $3 billion bailout — but only after painful austerity measures, currency depreciation, and inflation that exceeded 40%. Zambia, the first African nation to default during the pandemic, spent years negotiating with creditors under the G20’s Common Framework, a process so slow and fragmented that it discouraged other nations from seeking help.

A Global Squeeze

The world’s debt crisis is not merely an African or European problem — it is systemic. The rich world’s insatiable appetite for borrowing pushes up global interest rates and tightens financial conditions everywhere. When advanced economies flood bond markets with new issuance, capital is drawn away from riskier developing markets.

Meanwhile, China’s role as a major creditor complicates matters. Having lent hundreds of billions through its Belt and Road Initiative, Beijing now finds itself a reluctant participant in restructuring talks. Western creditors, multilateral institutions, and China remain at odds over who should bear the losses — and who should move first. The consequence is paralysis.

Inflation, Inequality, and the Fraying of the Social Contract

Curr’s argument about inflation’s social damage resonates acutely in poorer nations. In many African countries, inflation is already eroding real incomes and trust in government. When prices of food, fuel, and essentials spiral, the poor — who spend most of their income on consumption — bear the heaviest burden. In Nigeria, annual inflation has surpassed 30%, feeding public anger and protests.

The tragedy is that the global response remains fragmented. While rich countries debate whether to tax billionaires or cut welfare, poorer ones face stark trade-offs: pay teachers or service debt; import fuel or maintain currency reserves.

What Comes Next?

There is no easy way out. For advanced economies, fiscal discipline must return to the political agenda, however unpalatable that may be. That means honest conversations about the sustainability of welfare systems and the limits of debt-fueled growth.

For developing countries, particularly in Africa, debt restructuring needs to become faster, fairer, and more coordinated. Multilateral lenders and private creditors must recognize that drawn-out negotiations only deepen the pain and raise the eventual cost of default.

The world’s debt map is increasingly interconnected. When rich countries borrow without restraint, they distort global capital flows. When poor countries default, they destabilize regions and erase years of development gains.

As Curr reminds us, inflation punishes the middle class and frays societies. But unchecked debt — whether in Washington, Brussels, or Accra — could do worse: it could shatter the fragile trust that holds the global economic order together.

About the Author:
Baba Yunus Muhammad is the President of the Africa Islamic Economic Forum and a seasoned political analyst focusing on governance, democracy, and socio-economic transformation across Africa. He writes extensively on the intersection of faith, leadership, and political reform on the continent. babayunus@icloud.com


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From West to East: The Quiet Transformation of Global Economic Power

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Baba Yunus Muhammad

As global wealth, technology, and trade shift eastward, the balance of the world economy is being rewritten. Can this transformation lead to a fairer, more cooperative global order — or will it reproduce the old inequalities in a new direction?

For more than a century, global economic power has been firmly anchored in the West. From Wall Street to the City of London, Western economies dictated the terms of trade, finance, and industrial progress. But in the past twenty years, that dominance has eroded. The gravitational center of the world economy is quietly — and now unmistakably — moving eastward. Across Asia, new centers of production, innovation, and consumption are rising, redrawing the economic map and redefining the balance of global influence.

The numbers tell the story plainly. The group of emerging economies known as BRICS — driven largely by China and India — has overtaken the advanced industrial nations of the G7 in their share of global GDP. Two decades ago, the G7 produced nearly half of global output; today, its share has fallen below 30 percent. BRICS+, now enlarged with new members, contributes over 35 percent and continues to grow. This marks more than a statistical milestone — it represents a fundamental rebalancing of power, as the long-standing Western dominance of capital and influence gives way to an increasingly multipolar economic order.

The same pattern appears in trade flows. The G7’s share of global merchandise exports has dropped from nearly 45 percent in 2000 to below 30 percent today. Meanwhile, the BRICS+ nations have more than doubled their share. China and India, once seen primarily as low-cost manufacturing hubs, are now central players in high-value industries, digital innovation, and services. Their economies are not merely expanding in scale; they are evolving in sophistication, integrating deeply into global supply chains and improving productivity across sectors.

Asia’s financial power underscores this shift even more clearly. The region now holds more than two-thirds of the world’s foreign exchange reserves — a striking indicator of self-sufficiency and resilience. China’s holdings alone exceed three trillion dollars, and other major Asian economies such as Japan, India, and South Korea maintain formidable reserves. These surpluses are not idle; they fund global infrastructure through initiatives like the Belt and Road, which spans more than 150 countries. This has made China the largest single source of outbound foreign direct investment, a position the West held unchallenged for much of the past century.

The rise of Asia is also social and technological. More than half of the world’s middle class now lives in Asia, driving a surge in consumer spending that shapes global demand. From mobile technology and artificial intelligence to renewable energy and fintech, Asian nations are setting the pace of innovation. China alone files more international patents annually than the United States and the European Union combined. The technological rivalry between the U.S. and China symbolizes this broader realignment: the struggle for digital dominance reflects a deeper contest over who will define the future of the global economy.

“The world does not need a different hegemony; it needs a different ethic — one rooted in shared prosperity, stewardship, and justice.”

This transformation presents both opportunity and uncertainty. A world with multiple centers of economic power could be more inclusive and resilient — but only if cooperation replaces confrontation. The growing interdependence of economies means that sustainable progress now depends on deliberate collaboration between East and West. Such cooperation must go beyond traditional trade and investment pacts. It should aim to reduce inequality, strengthen global resilience, and embed sustainability at every level of economic policy.

Global tax coordination could prevent the erosion of public revenues, while harmonized labor and environmental standards could make trade fairer. Integrating the Sustainable Development Goals and Paris climate commitments into trade and finance frameworks would align growth with human welfare and environmental balance. These are not only moral imperatives; they are economic necessities for a planet under strain.

Inclusive growth must become the new paradigm. Fair trade agreements should open markets not just for multinationals but also for small producers, women entrepreneurs, and marginalized communities. Access to technology and innovation should be democratized through affordable digital and green technology transfers. Financing models such as green bonds, climate funds, and Islamic sukuk instruments can channel capital toward ethical, inclusive development. Islamic finance, rooted in justice and partnership, offers a model that reconciles profitability with purpose — an approach the broader global economy can learn from.

Building capacity and sharing knowledge are equally crucial. Collaborative research on climate adaptation, food security, and digital transformation can help developing nations chart their own path to sustainable growth. Expanding South-South cooperation and managed labor mobility would enable both sending and receiving nations to benefit from global migration and skills exchange. Such mutual cooperation reflects the Qur’anic principle of ta‘awun — working together in righteousness and shared benefit — which is as relevant to modern economics as it is to faith.

Yet, true inclusivity also requires reforming global governance. Institutions like the IMF, World Bank, and WTO must evolve to reflect today’s economic realities, giving developing countries greater voice and agency. A fairer system of representation and decision-making would restore confidence in multilateralism and prevent the fragmentation of global trade into competing blocs. In Islamic economic thought, governance is an amanah — a sacred trust. That trust demands equity, transparency, and justice at all levels of global interaction.

Africa stands at the crossroads of this new economic geography. Positioned between East and West, it has the potential to shape — not just follow — the trajectory of global development. But to do so, the continent must invest boldly in its digital and technological future. Without digital infrastructure, data capabilities, and skilled human capital, Africa risks being left behind as the next industrial revolution unfolds. National strategies for broadband, data centers, artificial intelligence, and STEM education are essential foundations for competitiveness.

At the same time, African nations must ensure that economic growth remains broad-based and inclusive. Investment in education, healthcare, and skills training must be viewed as productive capital — not social expenditure. True development must serve the common good, or maslahah, ensuring that wealth uplifts communities and reinforces social justice.

Geopolitically, Africa’s strategic position makes it a key player in the emerging world order. It can use its membership in BRICS+ and other multilateral frameworks to advocate for fairer trade, technology transfer, and infrastructure investment. The continent should pursue balanced engagement with both East and West — welcoming investment from all partners while maintaining autonomy over its developmental vision. Chinese financing through the Belt and Road Initiative and Western capital in green energy and manufacturing should be leveraged with transparency, mutual benefit, and sustainability in mind.

The shift from West to East, then, is not merely a redistribution of wealth or production. It signals a profound transformation in how global power and values interact. For the Muslim world — stretching from North Africa to Southeast Asia — this moment carries special significance. The principles of Islamic economics, long neglected in mainstream policy, offer a moral and practical compass for the emerging order: an economy based on justice, moderation, cooperation, and shared prosperity.

If guided wisely, the rise of the East can herald not another cycle of dominance, but a rebalancing of ethics and purpose in global economics. The challenge before us is not to celebrate the end of Western supremacy, but to ensure that what replaces it is more humane, inclusive, and just. The new global economy must reflect the values of stewardship and fairness that Islam envisions — where prosperity is a collective good, not a zero-sum prize.

“As global power tilts eastward, the measure of progress will not be who leads, but how that leadership serves humanity.”

Author Bio

Baba Yunus Muhammad is the President of the Africa Islamic Economic Forum and a political and economic analyst with a focus on sustainable development, global trade, and Islamic economics. He writes regularly on issues of economic justice, governance, and the intersection of faith and finance.


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