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A Threat to Global Security: Climate Change

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A Threat to Global Security: Climate Change
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“Go and explain to developing countries why they should continue living in poverty and not be like Sweden”, “No one has explained Greta that the modern world is complex and different and… people in Africa or in many Asian countries want to live at the same wealth level as in Sweden”. These are two of the several statements Russian president Vladimir Putin made in criticism of Greta Thunberg’s UN speech while he spoke during an energy conference last year. But why is the situation that the Russian president is referring to, so complex? And why is that the world leaders who are failing to tackle climate change are now trying to tell the world that it is not just about climate but also geopolitics? This piece tries to delve into the inevitable dilemma that is emerging in the sphere of climate change mitigation and the geopolitics that has always been the one of the topmost priorities for the nations around the globe.

The Present State

Historically, the industries and the global economy has been reliant on fossil fuels, resulting in the anthropogenic climate changes that we are witnessing today. At present, geopolitics is at the center of the struggle for mitigation of the climate change phenomenon. This has led to a variety of responses from different nations. Some are trying to postpone the responsibility, some are trying to deny, and some are trying to spearhead the fight against the problem. However, the issue of climate change is not one that can be solved by one or a subset of nations working in isolation. It remains to be seen how the results of climate change as well as the struggle for mitigation will impact the ground reality for the populations, as it is widely expected that the effects on different nations will be to different extents. Some are set to be hit harder than others, and some are going to be hit even if they have not done anything to contribute to the problem. In this background, many of the concerns about the technological manipulation of nature, environmental destruction, North-South relations, sustainable development, conflict and resource wars have returned to prominence in recent years in the increasingly intense debate about climate change. In this piece we a look at some of the major themes in the geopolitical landscape today related to climate change and climate change mitigation activities.

Russia and Saudi Arabia are two of the several examples of nations which depend on energy commodities export for most part of their revenue. They are also the best examples of nations with vastly established fossil fuel production and processing infrastructure. Accordingly, they face different geopolitical challenges than others in terms of their climate mitigation policy adoptions. Nations like Russia and Saudi Arabia, as well as Qatar, Iran, Venezuela, and UAE depend on exports of oil and gas to developing and emerging economies like China and India. However, an increasing emphasis in these developing economies for a transition towards renewable energy sources has been creating unrest in the oil, gas as well as coal export dependent nations. In case of Russia, another issue, in form of permafrost thawing has been emerging since the last few years as a big worry threatening its infrastructural facilities in Far East region as well as the Siberian region. Last year Russia witnessed several oil spills due to weakening infrastructure in its facilities. However, this issue is dwarfed due to the fact that infrastructure can be upgraded, but if the demand for oil and gas reduces in the global markets due to a renewable energy transition, then the vast infrastructures will become loss generating assets.

                In Gulf countries, the narratives of collapse and chaos in a post-oil world has taken over most policy makers’ imagination. According to some predictions, over the next 50 years, these countries could be facing a twin issue of increasing strain on societies and economies due to climate change on one hand and increasing shortage of funds on the other, either due to the decreasing exports and demand, or due to simply less production due to waning stores of energy. Moreover, emergence on alternative sources like shale oil in US and oil and gas in Central Asian region can also lead to increased strain in these countries. This has led to new geopolitical conditions becoming possible for the Gulf region which has for long been dependent on a US hegemony in the region for overall security framework. A receding US interest can witness an increasing interest of other powers like China and Russia.  

Moving to the developing world, economies like India, Brazil and even China have at various times expressed an unwillingness to concede mitigation of emissions of greenhouse gases and pointed towards their right to economic and industrial development, world equity and issues. This stance has attracted criticism from the developed world who see this struggle against climate change as a journey in which every nation needs to stand in unity. However, on one hand where concepts like ‘Common but Differentiated Responsibilities’ has emerged in climate action frameworks, countries like India have showed that they are ready to lead in the action for climate change mitigation by implementing policies to work towards a transition to renewable energy. This stance although is also influenced by the fact that India is forced to import most of its fossil fuel needs from other countries which exists as a big burden to its economy. By decreasing its reliance on energy imports, India can look towards following a more independent course in the geopolitical order. As seen in the collapse of Iran-US relations which led to India being forced to abandon its oil imports from Iran, a situation where India is not dependent on oil itself, stands to be a big win. Further, initiatives like the International Solar Alliance have helped India to cultivate India’s image as a responsible global actor, at par with other like the European Union who has been using climate change activism as an element of its foreign policy to retain command over the global climate change policy agenda and thus assert not only regional, but global influence.

               Talking about the global powers, US and China are undoubtedly the two biggest players in the world today when it comes to geopolitics, as well as emissions. In US, about half of electricity is generated through coal power plants as the nation has abundant coal deposits. The last four years under President Trump witnessed US detaching itself from major climate change action frameworks like the Paris Agreement based on the reasoning that any policies which have a chance to curb economy growth will have a disastrous effect on the lives of American citizens as well as national security. On the other hand, China, which has for some time now been the biggest greenhouse gas emitter, has now been working towards becoming the leader in sphere of sustainable energy. Chinese president Xi Jinping at the last year’s United Nations General Assembly made the promise that China will become carbon neutral by 2060. According to scholars of the field, through this stance, China not only wants to enhance its geopolitical position as a main partner to EU for future, but also wants to take away attention from its human rights abuses, and aggressive behavior. This phenomenon needs to be understood in the light of the fact that today almost all mining, production and processing of rare earth elements, which are essential for the production of renewable energy infrastructure like solar panels, takes place in China. Thus, providing not only an upper hand to China as an economic power but also as a great geopolitical power in sustainable energy.

               Not all countries however face the dilemma of effects of slowing economy in case they go for transition to renewable energy or adopt policies that mitigate emissions. The poorest of the countries stand to go bankrupt and loose relevance due to geopolitics of climate action in case the world decides to transition fast to renewable energy. These are the poor countries of Africa which have recently started establishing their oil production and now almost completely depend on it. As mentioned by Russian president Putin, these are the economies which look towards economic development based on their energy stores. They however have massive potential for renewable energy extraction too. But this potential need massive amounts of investment in infrastructure to realize, an element that these economies do not possess. Further, as the oil produced by these satisfy the needs of the developing and emerging economies, most of their buyer nations will see no benefit in trying to aid the African economies to substantially create their supplier’s renewable energy sector.

               Similar is the case of the Central Asia region where the nations depend on extractive industries of oil, coal, and gas. Both climate impact as well as climate change mitigation and adaptation in this region is projected to heighten geopolitical tension.  Not only are the foreign direct investments in the region low at present, but the existing investments do also not prioritize resilient and sustainable development and is related mostly in sector of non-renewable energy resource extraction. The geopolitics of this region is connected in more than one way with the issue of climate change. The region is prone to water and energy shortages. Whereas carbon rich Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan extract and use oil, gas and coal for their energy production, other nations in the region- Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan, which have lower GDP per capita uses clean hydro energy. Thus an inequality exist as the downstream nations are those which are more reliant on fossil fuels and the upstream nations, although not energy rich, possess ample hydroelectric potential. This inequality is estimated by the scholars to create strains in the region which can spill over in the rest of Asia.

The Dilemma

               It might seem like the fossil-fuels based energy export reliant nations are set to lose the most in the coming future as the world starts looking for ways to transition towards clean fuel and energy in the coming years. However, the oil and gas industry might not be ending anytime soon.

               For instance, Nord Stream 2, a planned pipeline through the Baltic Sea, which is expected to transport natural gas over from Siberia to consumers in Europe is being looked upon as a secure and reliable as well as cleaner source of energy for the coming decades. It indeed will replace the coal powered sectors in Europe and help reducing carbon emissions, however, this is also expected to provide Russia a sort of geopolitical push that it has not witnessed in many years now in terms of its relations with Europe, especially since the conflict with Ukraine in 2014. Although, this has changed in recent times as tensions arose with Georgia and the political chaos around Alexei Navalny’s poisoning, who was being seen as a political competitor to President Putin by some in Russia.  However, this is not to say that Russia has not been working towards climate change mitigation agenda. In November last year, Russian President Putin signed a decree ordering the Russian government to work towards meeting the 2015 Paris agreement to fight climate change, but stressed that any action must be balanced with the need to ensure strong economic development.   This in geopolitical terms can be seen as an attempt to align Russia with the change in presidency in US, where the new president  Joe Biden is supposed to be an avid supporter for climate activism and is expected to work towards making US carbon neutral with a long-term plan, in stark contrast to the previous president Donald Trump.

               Another geopolitical battle is emerging in the Arctic, where several nations like the US, China and Russia are no vying for dominance. In Arctic, with melting snow, shipping is all set to witness an increase. According to some estimates, if shipping along the Arctic becomes fully accessible, Bering Sea can become an area of contention for US and Russia, as well as China, thus reducing the importance of other choke points and the nations controlling them, like Egypt and Southeast Asia. This phenomenon also exists in line with the argument that if oil ceases to be a central driver of the global economy, many regions like Gulf are set to see their long-standing relations with the western nations like US change.

               Climate change related migration, which can result out of several reasons like submergence of islands, droughts due to varying rainfall patterns, stronger hurricanes or storms, or massive flooding of rivers due to higher rate of melting of glaciers that feed them with water, is also becoming a geopolitical contention that the nations are staring at today. The world has witnessed in 2015 refugee crisis in Europe, the extent of chaos, heightened populism, and nationalism, as well as lack of trust in multilateralism and established institutions that can be caused. Even though in this case, the result was not due to underlying climate change related challenges directly, similar effects due to influx of refugees and similar migration patterns can be expected from the regions of changing patterns of rainfall. This leads us to think where the current situation leaves us today for the future.   

What does the Future Hold?

               For many economies, initial investment cost for renewable energy systems is usually high, resulting unaffordability for many, especially in developing countries. Some others on the other hand, like Malaysia, with some of the highest level of subsidies on fossil fuels result in renewable energy market to remain economically weak and uncompetitive. Similarly, for Australia’s economy, which has for long been reliant on  fossil fuel industries to ensure the economic prosperity across the country, it is now becoming an issue of contention which it will need to resolve in order to ensure not its own, but also its neighborhood’s sustainability lying in the Indo-Pacific region as low lying islands which are at the risk of submergence due to climate change related effects.  

               In today’s world, not only can conflicts related to renewable energy infrastructure lead to stress as seen in case of Central Asian region, but also strain over issues like transfer of technology between developed and developing countries can turn into bigger forms of geopolitical conflicts. It also remains to be seen if the resources like rare-earth metals, which are needed for expansion of cleaner energy platforms will be available according to need of a nation or be made available to the highest buyer and turned into a business. The global order as it stands today between the oil producers and the oil consumers is also set to change as the climate change mitigation policies are adopted resulting from increasingly severe negative effects emerging from the anthropogenic climate change.           

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Which Muslim Countries Owe the IMF the Most Money in 2025?

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When Egypt and Pakistan together owe the International Monetary Fund nearly US $18 billion, it is more than a sign of economic distress — it is a reflection of how the global financial order is reshaping itself under pressure.

The IMF’s balance sheet has swelled to its highest level in decades. As of October 2025, 86 countries collectively owe the Fund SDR 118.9 billion (approximately US $162 billion), according to the IMF and Al Jazeera data. That total is larger than the GDP of entire regions, underscoring how widespread financial vulnerability has become amid a strong dollar, high interest rates and sluggish trade.

Among the most exposed are Muslim-majority economies, several of which now rank among the Fund’s largest borrowers — a pattern that reveals not just crisis, but opportunity for structural renewal.

Egypt and Pakistan: The IMF’s Largest Muslim-Majority Clients

The IMF’s loan book is dominated by three countries: Argentina, Ukraine, and Egypt. Cairo’s outstanding obligations stand at SDR 6.89 billion, or about US $9.38 billion. That places it as the Fund’s third-largest debtor worldwide.

Egypt’s financial relationship with the IMF has deepened since 2016, when the country began a sweeping economic overhaul in exchange for multibillion-dollar support. Since then, a succession of devaluations, surging inflation, and subsidy reforms have tested social stability and household resilience.

Next in line is Pakistan, owing SDR 6.59 billion (approximately US $8.96 billion) — the fourth-largest exposure globally. Despite a series of IMF programmes over the past decade, Islamabad continues to face chronic current-account deficits, weak tax revenues and a narrow export base. Its latest extended arrangement, approved in 2024, aims to anchor fiscal consolidation and exchange-rate flexibility.

The picture continues with Bangladesh (SDR 2.92 billion ≈ US $3.98 billion), a relative newcomer to IMF support after years of steady growth. Morocco (SDR 0.94 billion ≈ US $1.28 billion) and Mauritania (SDR 0.33 billion ≈ US $0.45 billion) hold smaller, but still notable, exposures.

Country IMF Credit Outstanding (SDR bn) Approx. US $ bn Global Rank*
Egypt 6.89 9.38 3rd overall
Pakistan 6.59 8.96 4th–5th overall
Bangladesh 2.92 3.98 Top 15
Morocco 0.94 1.28 Mid-tier
Mauritania 0.33 0.45 Lower exposure

*Based on IMF data, 17 October 2025. Conversion rate: 1 SDR ≈ US $1.36.

An Era of Permanent Crisis Management

That two of the IMF’s five largest debtors are Muslim-majority nations highlights a deeper trend: emergency lending has become a long-term feature of the global economy.

For Cairo and Islamabad, IMF loans have evolved from short-term bailouts to quasi-permanent lifelines. In both cases, external shocks — energy prices, global inflation, and capital flight — collided with domestic fragilities: limited industrial diversification, rising debt service costs and governance inefficiencies.

“The Fund is no longer just a firefighter,” says a London-based emerging-markets strategist. “It’s become an anchor for economies that haven’t yet built their own stabilisers.”

That dependence, however, comes at a cost. IMF programmes often entail politically sensitive reforms — subsidy cuts, tax hikes, privatisation — that governments struggle to sustain amid public fatigue.

The Politics of Conditionality

Egypt’s commitments under its latest IMF programme include divesting state-owned assets and fully floating its currency. Implementation has been partial at best. Pakistan faces even steeper demands: boosting tax collection, overhauling the energy sector, and reducing fiscal leakages from state-owned enterprises.

The reforms are economically sound but politically fraught. Both governments operate in fragile environments where public discontent can quickly spill into the streets.

Bangladesh’s case is different but instructive: once hailed as a model of stability, it now faces declining garment exports, mounting import costs and currency depreciation. The IMF’s SDR 2.9 billion arrangement aims to strengthen its foreign-exchange regime and encourage green investment — yet progress remains slow.

A Shared Pattern of Strain

Muslim-majority economies, from North Africa to South Asia, exhibit a recurring fiscal pattern: high subsidy spending, limited tax capacity and dependence on remittances or narrow export bases. As global liquidity tightens, these structural weaknesses are exposed. For investors, the rise in IMF credit to the developing world serves as both reassurance and warning. It signals a safety net — but also a lack of self-sufficiency.

In the words of one Fund official, “The IMF’s objective is to be temporary, not perpetual. But the scale of demand suggests the global economy is caught in a cycle of dependence.”

Towards Fiscal Independence

The challenge for Egypt, Pakistan, and their peers is not simply repaying the Fund — it is graduating from it. Sustained reform, credible fiscal discipline, and greater private-sector dynamism are prerequisites for independence.

That path requires politically difficult choices:

  • Widening the tax base to reduce reliance on foreign borrowing.

  • Reforming energy subsidies to create fiscal space.

  • Allowing true exchange-rate flexibility to restore external competitiveness.

  • Investing in human capital to diversify growth beyond low-value exports.

Without these adjustments, IMF credit will remain a revolving door — an expensive form of crisis management.

A Moment of Reckoning

The IMF’s own data show that the Fund’s outstanding credit is now approaching levels last seen after the 2008 financial crisis. But this time, the geography of debt is different. The largest borrowers are no longer confined to Latin America or Eastern Europe; they stretch from Cairo to Islamabad to Dhaka.

That shift underscores both the growing weight of Muslim-majority economies in global finance and the unfinished business of reform within them.

For these nations, 2025 may prove decisive: either the year they entrench another cycle of dependency, or the year they begin building resilience.

In the end, as one regional economist put it, “IMF debt isn’t destiny. It’s a diagnosis — and a chance to rewrite the prescription.”

Hafiz Maqsood Ahmed is the Editor-in-Chief of The Halal Times


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Governments Going Broke: The World’s Mounting Debt Crisis

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Baba Yunus Muhammad

When the world’s most advanced economies can no longer afford their bills, alarm bells should ring far beyond their borders. In his analysis, “Governments Going Broke,” Henry Curr warns that rich-world debt has ballooned to levels unseen outside of wartime. Public debt across advanced economies now exceeds 110% of GDP — higher than at any point since the Napoleonic Wars, excluding the pandemic. As interest rates rise and populations age, the fiscal noose tightens. The threat, Curr argues, is not just a future of slower growth, but a dangerous flirtation with inflation that could upend the social contract on which modern democracies rest.

The Debt Trap of the Developed World

For decades, low borrowing costs allowed governments to pile on debt without pain. That era is over. Central banks, once accused of complacency, have tightened monetary policy to combat inflation. Now governments face the twin pressures of rising interest bills and political demands for ever more spending — on defence, health, pensions, and green transitions.

In Europe, taxation has reached political and practical ceilings. In America, the very notion of higher taxes remains electorally toxic. Politicians find themselves boxed in: unable to cut spending, unwilling to raise taxes, and forced to borrow more just to stand still. The result is a fiscal stalemate that risks igniting another round of inflation, shifting wealth from savers to debtors and from the prudent to the well-positioned.

Curr’s warning is stark: inflation is not just an economic nuisance but a corrosive force that undermines the middle class and destabilises democracy. Once unleashed, it erodes trust — in governments, in money, in the fairness of society itself.

The Forgotten Debtors: The Developing World’s Crisis

Yet while rich countries fret about the political consequences of debt, much of the developing world — particularly Africa — faces a crisis of survival.

Across sub-Saharan Africa, debt levels have surged over the past decade. According to the IMF, the region’s public debt-to-GDP ratio rose from an average of 32% in 2010 to nearly 60% by 2024. For some countries, such as Ghana, Zambia, and Ethiopia, the situation is far worse. These nations borrowed heavily to finance infrastructure, respond to the pandemic, and cushion citizens from the shocks of war and global inflation. Now, many are struggling to repay.

Unlike the rich world, developing nations borrow largely in foreign currencies, leaving them exposed to the whims of global financial markets. When the U.S. Federal Reserve raises rates, the cost of servicing dollar-denominated debt soars. The result: a slow-motion squeeze that leaves little room for social investment.

Ghana’s story is emblematic. After years of robust growth and ambitious borrowing for public projects, it defaulted on its external debt in 2022. The IMF stepped in with a $3 billion bailout — but only after painful austerity measures, currency depreciation, and inflation that exceeded 40%. Zambia, the first African nation to default during the pandemic, spent years negotiating with creditors under the G20’s Common Framework, a process so slow and fragmented that it discouraged other nations from seeking help.

A Global Squeeze

The world’s debt crisis is not merely an African or European problem — it is systemic. The rich world’s insatiable appetite for borrowing pushes up global interest rates and tightens financial conditions everywhere. When advanced economies flood bond markets with new issuance, capital is drawn away from riskier developing markets.

Meanwhile, China’s role as a major creditor complicates matters. Having lent hundreds of billions through its Belt and Road Initiative, Beijing now finds itself a reluctant participant in restructuring talks. Western creditors, multilateral institutions, and China remain at odds over who should bear the losses — and who should move first. The consequence is paralysis.

Inflation, Inequality, and the Fraying of the Social Contract

Curr’s argument about inflation’s social damage resonates acutely in poorer nations. In many African countries, inflation is already eroding real incomes and trust in government. When prices of food, fuel, and essentials spiral, the poor — who spend most of their income on consumption — bear the heaviest burden. In Nigeria, annual inflation has surpassed 30%, feeding public anger and protests.

The tragedy is that the global response remains fragmented. While rich countries debate whether to tax billionaires or cut welfare, poorer ones face stark trade-offs: pay teachers or service debt; import fuel or maintain currency reserves.

What Comes Next?

There is no easy way out. For advanced economies, fiscal discipline must return to the political agenda, however unpalatable that may be. That means honest conversations about the sustainability of welfare systems and the limits of debt-fueled growth.

For developing countries, particularly in Africa, debt restructuring needs to become faster, fairer, and more coordinated. Multilateral lenders and private creditors must recognize that drawn-out negotiations only deepen the pain and raise the eventual cost of default.

The world’s debt map is increasingly interconnected. When rich countries borrow without restraint, they distort global capital flows. When poor countries default, they destabilize regions and erase years of development gains.

As Curr reminds us, inflation punishes the middle class and frays societies. But unchecked debt — whether in Washington, Brussels, or Accra — could do worse: it could shatter the fragile trust that holds the global economic order together.

About the Author:
Baba Yunus Muhammad is the President of the Africa Islamic Economic Forum and a seasoned political analyst focusing on governance, democracy, and socio-economic transformation across Africa. He writes extensively on the intersection of faith, leadership, and political reform on the continent. babayunus@icloud.com


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From West to East: The Quiet Transformation of Global Economic Power

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Baba Yunus Muhammad

As global wealth, technology, and trade shift eastward, the balance of the world economy is being rewritten. Can this transformation lead to a fairer, more cooperative global order — or will it reproduce the old inequalities in a new direction?

For more than a century, global economic power has been firmly anchored in the West. From Wall Street to the City of London, Western economies dictated the terms of trade, finance, and industrial progress. But in the past twenty years, that dominance has eroded. The gravitational center of the world economy is quietly — and now unmistakably — moving eastward. Across Asia, new centers of production, innovation, and consumption are rising, redrawing the economic map and redefining the balance of global influence.

The numbers tell the story plainly. The group of emerging economies known as BRICS — driven largely by China and India — has overtaken the advanced industrial nations of the G7 in their share of global GDP. Two decades ago, the G7 produced nearly half of global output; today, its share has fallen below 30 percent. BRICS+, now enlarged with new members, contributes over 35 percent and continues to grow. This marks more than a statistical milestone — it represents a fundamental rebalancing of power, as the long-standing Western dominance of capital and influence gives way to an increasingly multipolar economic order.

The same pattern appears in trade flows. The G7’s share of global merchandise exports has dropped from nearly 45 percent in 2000 to below 30 percent today. Meanwhile, the BRICS+ nations have more than doubled their share. China and India, once seen primarily as low-cost manufacturing hubs, are now central players in high-value industries, digital innovation, and services. Their economies are not merely expanding in scale; they are evolving in sophistication, integrating deeply into global supply chains and improving productivity across sectors.

Asia’s financial power underscores this shift even more clearly. The region now holds more than two-thirds of the world’s foreign exchange reserves — a striking indicator of self-sufficiency and resilience. China’s holdings alone exceed three trillion dollars, and other major Asian economies such as Japan, India, and South Korea maintain formidable reserves. These surpluses are not idle; they fund global infrastructure through initiatives like the Belt and Road, which spans more than 150 countries. This has made China the largest single source of outbound foreign direct investment, a position the West held unchallenged for much of the past century.

The rise of Asia is also social and technological. More than half of the world’s middle class now lives in Asia, driving a surge in consumer spending that shapes global demand. From mobile technology and artificial intelligence to renewable energy and fintech, Asian nations are setting the pace of innovation. China alone files more international patents annually than the United States and the European Union combined. The technological rivalry between the U.S. and China symbolizes this broader realignment: the struggle for digital dominance reflects a deeper contest over who will define the future of the global economy.

“The world does not need a different hegemony; it needs a different ethic — one rooted in shared prosperity, stewardship, and justice.”

This transformation presents both opportunity and uncertainty. A world with multiple centers of economic power could be more inclusive and resilient — but only if cooperation replaces confrontation. The growing interdependence of economies means that sustainable progress now depends on deliberate collaboration between East and West. Such cooperation must go beyond traditional trade and investment pacts. It should aim to reduce inequality, strengthen global resilience, and embed sustainability at every level of economic policy.

Global tax coordination could prevent the erosion of public revenues, while harmonized labor and environmental standards could make trade fairer. Integrating the Sustainable Development Goals and Paris climate commitments into trade and finance frameworks would align growth with human welfare and environmental balance. These are not only moral imperatives; they are economic necessities for a planet under strain.

Inclusive growth must become the new paradigm. Fair trade agreements should open markets not just for multinationals but also for small producers, women entrepreneurs, and marginalized communities. Access to technology and innovation should be democratized through affordable digital and green technology transfers. Financing models such as green bonds, climate funds, and Islamic sukuk instruments can channel capital toward ethical, inclusive development. Islamic finance, rooted in justice and partnership, offers a model that reconciles profitability with purpose — an approach the broader global economy can learn from.

Building capacity and sharing knowledge are equally crucial. Collaborative research on climate adaptation, food security, and digital transformation can help developing nations chart their own path to sustainable growth. Expanding South-South cooperation and managed labor mobility would enable both sending and receiving nations to benefit from global migration and skills exchange. Such mutual cooperation reflects the Qur’anic principle of ta‘awun — working together in righteousness and shared benefit — which is as relevant to modern economics as it is to faith.

Yet, true inclusivity also requires reforming global governance. Institutions like the IMF, World Bank, and WTO must evolve to reflect today’s economic realities, giving developing countries greater voice and agency. A fairer system of representation and decision-making would restore confidence in multilateralism and prevent the fragmentation of global trade into competing blocs. In Islamic economic thought, governance is an amanah — a sacred trust. That trust demands equity, transparency, and justice at all levels of global interaction.

Africa stands at the crossroads of this new economic geography. Positioned between East and West, it has the potential to shape — not just follow — the trajectory of global development. But to do so, the continent must invest boldly in its digital and technological future. Without digital infrastructure, data capabilities, and skilled human capital, Africa risks being left behind as the next industrial revolution unfolds. National strategies for broadband, data centers, artificial intelligence, and STEM education are essential foundations for competitiveness.

At the same time, African nations must ensure that economic growth remains broad-based and inclusive. Investment in education, healthcare, and skills training must be viewed as productive capital — not social expenditure. True development must serve the common good, or maslahah, ensuring that wealth uplifts communities and reinforces social justice.

Geopolitically, Africa’s strategic position makes it a key player in the emerging world order. It can use its membership in BRICS+ and other multilateral frameworks to advocate for fairer trade, technology transfer, and infrastructure investment. The continent should pursue balanced engagement with both East and West — welcoming investment from all partners while maintaining autonomy over its developmental vision. Chinese financing through the Belt and Road Initiative and Western capital in green energy and manufacturing should be leveraged with transparency, mutual benefit, and sustainability in mind.

The shift from West to East, then, is not merely a redistribution of wealth or production. It signals a profound transformation in how global power and values interact. For the Muslim world — stretching from North Africa to Southeast Asia — this moment carries special significance. The principles of Islamic economics, long neglected in mainstream policy, offer a moral and practical compass for the emerging order: an economy based on justice, moderation, cooperation, and shared prosperity.

If guided wisely, the rise of the East can herald not another cycle of dominance, but a rebalancing of ethics and purpose in global economics. The challenge before us is not to celebrate the end of Western supremacy, but to ensure that what replaces it is more humane, inclusive, and just. The new global economy must reflect the values of stewardship and fairness that Islam envisions — where prosperity is a collective good, not a zero-sum prize.

“As global power tilts eastward, the measure of progress will not be who leads, but how that leadership serves humanity.”

Author Bio

Baba Yunus Muhammad is the President of the Africa Islamic Economic Forum and a political and economic analyst with a focus on sustainable development, global trade, and Islamic economics. He writes regularly on issues of economic justice, governance, and the intersection of faith and finance.


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